[318] The English coaling trade had greatly increased in the fourteenth century; large quantities of coal were brought by water from Newcastle and other places to London and partly consumed on the spot, partly exported. The importance of coal mines did not escape the notice of the Commons, who stated in the year 1376–7 that, “en diverses parties deinz le Roialme d’Engleterre sont diverses miners de carbons, dont les communes du dit partie ont lour sustenantz en grande partie.” 51 Ed. III, “Rolls of Parliament,” ii. 370. Cf Salzmann, “English Industries of the Middle Ages,” 1913, ch. I, and H. Hall, “A select Bibliography for the study, sources and literature of English Political Economy,” London, 1914.
[319] The trade in wines was enormous, especially with Gascony, and subjected to the most minute regulations. Not only the importation of it was the occasion of ceaseless interfering, but the retail sale in towns was perpetually regulated anew by local ordinances. Woe to the vintner who was detected meddling in any unfair way with his liquor; he might experience the chastisement inflicted upon John Penrose, who for such an offence was sent to the pillory in 1364, was made to drink publicly there his own stuff, had what he could not drink poured over his head, and was besides sentenced to renounce his trade for ever. Riley, “Memorials of London,” 1868, p. 318.
[320] Same rules in France: “Que nul billon, vaissellemente, joyaux d’or et d’argent ne soint traits hors dudit royaume par personne quelle que ce soit, si ce n’estoit vaissellemente de prélats ou de nobles ou d’autres gens d’église pour lour service.” Ordinance of Jean le Bon, dated from London, 1358; Isambert, vol. v. p. 39.
[321] “Rolls of Parliament,” 45 Ed. III, year 1371, vol. ii. p. 306. While this legislation was strictly enforced in England, the royal government, according to petitions of the Commons and with remarkable naïveté, often wrote to princes on the continent, recommending them to allow their own subjects to bring to England money, bullion, and plate.
[322] Statute 5 Rich. II st. i. ch. 3, and 6 Rich. II, year 1381–2.
[323] “Rolls of Parliament,” 46 Ed. III, year 1372, vol. ii. p. 311.
[324] Ibid., 11 Rich II, A.D. 1387, vol. iii. p. 253. The penalties are removed for the Hanse merchants but not for the Prussians, “Et en le mesne temps soient lettre du privé seal envoié al Mestre de Pruys de repaier et due redresse faire as merchantz Engleis des arestes et autres tortz et damages à eux fait deinz la seigneurie de Pruys, come reson demande.”
[325] Statute 27 Ed. III st. ii. ch. 2.
[326] 25 Ed. III stat. iii. ch. 2.
[327] See, for particulars about the “Gildhalda Teutonicorum” in Dowgate Ward, Thames Street, and afterwards in the Steel-house, Herbert’s “Livery Companies,” London, 1837, vol. i. pp. 10–16. The importance of Italian settlements of money-changers and money-lenders (whence the “Lombard streets” or “rues des Lombards” surviving in many towns) are well known.