Contrast this with the German version, which was circulated wherever a newspaper could be induced to print it. It was said that a great battle, lasting several days, had taken place in the neighbourhood of Mons, that the French had been driven back several miles with heavy loss, and that the "contemptible" British Expeditionary Force had been all but annihilated. This version was communicated to the Italian Press, and a suitable correction did not make an appearance until five days had elapsed. When the correction did appear, one Italian newspaper headed the news with the significant announcement: "Telegrams from London reach us in four days; telegrams from Berlin in two hours."
The result of this feature of this Press campaign was that many countries with which the Allies wished to stand well, such as Italy, Turkey, Spain, and Servia, continually received the impression that the German cause, German might, and German organisation were about to triumph in 1914 as they had in 1870. To some extent the scheme did not succeed. When, for instance, unrest was noticed among the natives in the French sphere of interest in Morocco, the Spaniards in the neighbouring sphere offered voluntarily to put it down, as France had withdrawn many of her troops. In Italy, again, the feeling in favour of the Allies had been so pronounced from the very beginning that not even telegrams from Berlin could shake it. In Turkey, on the other hand, it was difficult, if not, indeed, impossible, to have the German "news" corrected; and the utmost endeavours were openly made by German agents to induce the Turks to strike at the Allies either by an invasion of Egypt, an attack on Suez Canal shipping, or a raid into Southern Russia. It is significant enough that when the German battleship Goeben eluded the British squadron in the Mediterranean, she sought shelter, not in any of the ports of Germany's ally, Austria—which at the time were not beyond her reach—but under the shelter of Turkish forts in the Dardanelles. This incident is referred to in a subsequent chapter.
Although small and not very important items of news appeared from time to time in the British and French Press respecting the operations of the German Press Bureau (a department of the Foreign Office), it was not until early in September that anything like a complete account of the ramifications of this Bureau was made known. On September 3rd a White Paper was issued containing dispatches from Sir E. Goschen, British Ambassador in Berlin, to Sir Edward Grey. These communications began in February, 1914, and continued until June. They showed conclusively that a secret undertaking had been entered into which had for its object the influencing of the Press of foreign countries, partly in the interest of German exporters and partly in order that German influence generally might be spread. It is, of course, impossible to quote at all fully from these very interesting dispatches of Sir E. Goschen, but one or two of them may be mentioned. In his first dispatch, sent on February 27th, our Ambassador at Berlin enclosed the following report:
For some time past a variety of schemes had been ventilated in the Press with the object of improving German prestige abroad. It was said that in certain foreign parts Germany was being persistently and wrongfully abused, that she could obtain no fair hearing because the Press of those distant countries was in hands hostile to any German enterprise, and because the telegraphic agencies serving those countries were equally biassed. An "Association for World-Commerce" was to have remedied this evil by a persistent pro-German propaganda in the countries most bitterly complained of. It was hoped that the necessary funds could have been raised by contributions from all the trading and industrial societies interested in the German export trade, and, in view of the supreme importance to Germany of her export trade, it was intended that agents of the Association should be sent and stationed abroad to assist the exporting industries by timely advice and an active policy generally, such as private individuals could pursue more effectively than officials. The opportunity for realising this scheme seemed to offer itself under the following circumstances. A plan was being prepared to start a German-American Economic Society. Similar societies with an application to other countries already exist—e.g., a German-Argentine Society, a German-Canadian Society, a German-Russian Society, etc. The foundation of a German-American Society had been advocated in connection with the revision of the American tariff which gave German industries new chances of an intensified export to the United States. As was natural in any matters dealing with German-American affairs, M. Ballin, of the Hamburg-America Line, was approached to take the matter in hand. He consented. Under his inspiration the idea of a German-American Society was abandoned and the idea of a World Society was substituted. A preliminary meeting was held at which the various German-foreign societies were represented; there were present also representatives of the "Central Association of German Industrials," and of its great rival, the "Federation of Industrials," as well as of most of the leading industrial firms. Internal dissensions, however, soon appeared, and several important members sent in their resignations. The details of the foundation were to have been settled at a meeting convened for February 26th; to-day the whole scheme stands prorogued sine die. If it is ever realised its plan will have to be considerably altered. In the meantime the original plan of a German-American Society has been revived. This society is, in fact, to be constituted in Berlin early in March in the form originally intended.
It would seem strange had M. Ballin so readily accepted defeat. The explanation lies in the fact that, at the request of a very highly-placed person, his interest has been transferred to another more delicate and more or less secret organisation, devised to undertake those duties of M. Ballin's would-be "Weltverein," which concerned the German reputation abroad. A short time ago, a meeting, of which the secret has been well kept, was convened in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, of which Dr. Hamann, the notorious head of the Press Bureau of the German Foreign Office, was the originator and at which the Foreign Secretary himself was present. The meeting was attended by members of the leading industrial concerns of this country: the North German Lloyd, the Hamburg-America Company, the Deutsche Bank, the Disconto Gesellschaft, the Allgemeine Electrizitätsgesellschaft, Siemens and Halske, the Schuckert Works, Krupp, the Cruson Works, etc. They formed a private company with the purpose of "furthering the German industrial prestige abroad"—a conveniently vague purpose. The company will be financed by private subscriptions and by a Government grant. The sum at first suggested as a necessary revenue from private subscription was £12,500, but the company present at the first meeting was so enthusiastic that it definitely promised annual subscriptions amounting to £25,000. The Government will add £12,500 per annum—the whole Secret Service Fund, in fact, at the disposal of the Imperial Foreign Office for similar purposes (e.g., for the payment of subsidies to certain papers abroad). The company has entered into an agreement with the Agence Havas that the latter will in future only publish news concerning Germany if supplied through Wolff's Telegraphen-Bureau. The latter will receive its German news exclusively from the new company.
The company intends to make a similar arrangement with Reuter's Telegraphic Bureau for those foreign countries in which Reuter controls telegraphic communications. If Reuter declines, the Deutsche Kabelgesellschaft, a smaller German news agency supplying telegrams from certain countries (e.g., Mexico) and working in agreement with Wolff's Telegraphic Bureau, is to be financed by the new company to run a service in competition to Reuter's. All the concerns represented at the meeting have furthermore agreed to pay into the company's hotchpot the very vast sums which they are accustomed to spend abroad for their advertisements in foreign papers. The total of this item alone is believed to be not less than £25,000 per annum—so the annual sum available for the purpose of the new company will reach a total of £50,000 to £75,000. The company will in future issue the advertisements of its members only to those foreign papers which publish German information originating exclusively from the new company, which is to be regarded as the only authentic source of information concerning Germany and all things German. This information they are to receive free of cost or at a nominal sum—so that the willing foreign papers will derive very material benefits from their collaboration with the company, viz., lucrative advertisements and free matter written in the language of the country in which the papers are published. The foreign Press is to be watched by the company's agents appointed in the various foreign centres. Any incorrect reports are to be telegraphed home and corrected by telegrams issued by the company. The countries in which the system is to be immediately inaugurated are chiefly the South American States and those of the Far East, but the system is to embrace all countries outside Europe. The German cable rates for Press telegrams are to be reduced in the interests of the new company. It is difficult to say whether the evil which the new company is to remedy really exists, or exists to any perceptible extent, but it is certain that a very influential private company has been called into existence with every official encouragement commanding an enormous revenue for the purposes of a pro-German newspaper propaganda. Whether the evil exists or not—the money will be spent on secret service to popularise Germany abroad. It does not seem to have occurred to the promoters of the scheme that they are preparing the ground for a vast system of international blackmail—hardly a proper way to reach the desired end.
That a reduction in cable rates was actually in contemplation is seen from the Ambassador's next dispatch on the subject, as follows:
Berlin,
April 3rd, 1914.
Sir,—In my despatch of the 27th February last concerning the secret foundation of a German society to supply the foreign Press of certain countries with news favourable to Germany and German interests, it was foreshadowed that German cable rates for Press telegrams would probably be reduced in the interests of the new society.