1536-1537.

Amid all the fencing and diplomatic insincerities that went on between Henry and Charles, concerning Mary’s status, his cousin’s real welfare had but a small share in the policy of the Emperor. Persecuted by her father, Mary had taken counsel with the powerful kinsman who, she thought, had her interests, and the cause for which she was suffering, at heart. But Charles was a much better politician than kinsman, and had no cause so much at heart as his own advantage, and that of the empire. He was anxious to be at peace with Henry for more reasons than one, and cared little what temporary concessions his cousin made, so long as they furthered this object. He had not seen his way to make war, when she and her mother had looked to him as their avenger, and now that the principal cause of estrangement between himself and Henry had been removed by death, he was eager to sacrifice Mary on the altar of peace. Her eyes were never opened to the treacherous part he had played, but Henry was not ignorant of the fact that she was entirely influenced by the Emperor. If she had yielded, he knew that she had done so with Charles’s approval, a circumstance that made largely for political amity. The days of chivalry were done, and Mary’s trust and confidence were ruthlessly employed to pave a way out of the imperial difficulties.

Great stress was laid by Charles on the axiom, that concessions extracted by force or fraud had no binding power, so long as formal protests against the compulsion exercised were secretly made and signed. This principle was frequently applied between the three chief rulers of Europe at this period, and sometimes led to curious results.

Meanwhile, Mary was not yet in calm waters. Cromwell, for the sake of his own safety, required her to express in a letter addressed to him, but intended for Henry’s eye, all that she owed him as a mediator. He had not forgotten what he had undergone, during the six days’ uninterrupted sitting of the Council, when he had considered himself “a dead man,” and when, in fact, his own and Mary’s fate had trembled in the balance. Even yet, his capricious master might again suspect him of having encouraged Mary in her resistance, and he was anxious that there should be no mistake in Henry’s mind, as to his share in her submission. Besides this, the King’s tyranny required a declaration from Mary, that she not only abandoned her title but agreed in its being given to Anne’s daughter Elizabeth (although she, too, had been declared illegitimate and was not allowed to use it any longer), and that as to her own future position she made no claim, but was content to accept whatever was conceded. Another point left vague had been her attitude respecting Henry’s disposal of doctrines, which concerned purgatory, pilgrimages, relics, etc., and her father must be satisfied in this matter also. Having swallowed the whole, Mary made no further resistance as to the parts, and wrote to Cromwell as he desired, probably copying his entire draft.

“Good Master Secretary,

“How much am I bound unto you, which hath not only travailed, when I was almost drowned in folly to recover me before I sunk and was utterly past recovery, and so to present me to the fire of grace and mercy, but also desisteth not sithence with your good and wholsome counsels, so to arme me from any relapse, that I cannot, unless I were too wilfull and obstinate, whereof there is now no spark in me, fall again into any danger! But leaveing the recital of your goodness apart, which I cannot recount, for answer to the particulerities of your credence, sent by my friend Master Wrythesley; first concerning the Princess (so I think I must call her yet for I would be loath to offend) I offered at her entry to that name and honour, to call her sister; but it was refused, unless I would also add the other title unto it, which I denyed not then more obstinately than I am now sorry for it; for that I did therein offend my most gracious father and his just lawes, and now that you think it meet, I shall never call her by any other name than sister. Touching the nomination of such women as I would have about me, surely Mr. Secretary, what men or women soever the King’s Highness shall appoint to wait on me, without exception, shall be unto me right heartily, and without respect welcome; albeit to express my mind to you, whom I think worthy to be accepted for their faithfull service done to the King’s Majestie and to me, sythens they came into my company, I promise you on my faith, Margery Baynton and Susan Clarcencyeus have in every condition used themselves as faithfully, painfully and diligently as ever did women in such a case; as sorry when I was not so conformable, as became me, as glad when I enclined anything to my duty, as could be devised. One other there is, that was sometime my maid, whom for her vertue I love, and could be glad to have in my company, that is Mary Brown; and here be all that I will recommend; and yet, my estimation of these shall be measured at the King’s Highness, my most mercifull father’s pleasure and appointment, as reason is. For mine opinion touching pilgrimages, purgatory, relicks and such like, I assure you, I have none at all, but such as I shall receive from him, that hath mine whole heart in keeping, that is the King’s most gracious Highness, my most benign father, who shall imprint in the same touching these matters and all other, what his inestimable vertue, high wisdome and excellent learning shall think convenient, and limit unto me; to whose presence I pray God I may once come or I dye. For every day is a year, till I may have the fruition of it. Beseeching you, good Mr. Secretary, to continue mine humble sute for the same, and for all other things whatsoever they be, to repute mine heart so firmly knit to his pleasure, that I can by no mean vary from the direction and appointment of the same. And thus most heartily fare you well.

“From Hounsdon this friday at 10 of the clock at night.

“Your assured loving friend during my life,

“Marye.”[192]

Henry was at last pleased to forgive her, and by common consent, Cromwell had all the credit of the peacemaking. Chapuys told Cardinal Perrenot de Granvelle, President of the Emperor’s Council, that the Secretary was also doing his best to promote friendship between their masters, and that, having carried it into effect, he would die proud of that feat, and of having reconciled the Princess to her father, “not wishing to live one day longer”. On the 6th July, Chapuys applied for an audience with the King for the next day, but was told that he could not then have one, as both the King and Queen were to visit the Princess secretly. Cromwell added that it would be far better for the advancement of business, if Chapuys spoke to him after his return, “knowing well that after seeing the beauty, goodness, prudence and virtue of the same Princess, the King would be more inclined to the matter in question”. The letter in which this news is communicated then breaks off, and later on Chapuys continues:—