History for ready reference, Volume 7

by J. N. Larned

See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
O.
OBOLENSKI, PRINCE JOHN.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1905.
O’CONOR, Sir N.:
British Ambassador to Turkey.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1905-1908.
OCTOBRISTS.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905. and 1907.
ODESSA, Disturbances in.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
OGDEN, Robert C.:
Promoter of the Annual Conference for Education in the South.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.
OIL, PETROLEUM:
The Supply and the Waste in the United States.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
OKLAHOMA: A. D. 1904.
Marvelous Growth of Fifteen Years.
"Oklahoma is the Minerva of the States. With her there was no
period of slow settlement. On the day that her borders were
opened to the settler she sprang full-fledged, a vigorous
young commonwealth, into the Union. And on the day that
Congress admits her to Statehood she will take rank with the
foremost of the Western States. Her population of a million
and three hundred thousand—which is the combined population
of Oklahoma and Indian Territory, according to the annual
report of Governor Ferguson for the year ending June 30, 1904,
it is probably somewhat more than that now [1905]—will place
her in advance of at least twenty-one of her sister States,
several of them among the original thirteen. Not counting
Texas, only two States west of the Missouri will be her equal
in number of people—Kansas and California. In old New England,
three States—New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island—could be
combined and still not contain as great a population as this
new commonwealth in the West will have on the first day of its
Statehood.
"No other State ever had such a remarkable growth and
prosperity as Oklahoma. Sixteen years ago last March the
prairie winds blew over wide expanses of plains with no signs
of human habitation on them for miles at a stretch. A month
later, on April 22, 1889, upward of one hundred thousand
persons engaged in the most spectacular race in history--a
race for homes.
See, in Volume V. of this work,
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1889-1890].
That was the day when the first Oklahoma counties were opened
for settlement. … At nightfall of that first day of its
history Oklahoma had a larger population than the State of
Nevada. Towns were surveyed, and sprung up in a night, and in
a week a new empire had been created in the Southwest. A year
later the Iowa, Pottawatomie, and Sac and Fox reservations
were opened for settlement."
Clarence H. Matson,
Oklahoma
(American Review of Reviews, September, 1905).
OKLAHOMA: A. D. 1906-1907.
Joined in Statehood with Indian Territory and
admitted to the Union.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.
See, also, (in this Volume)
CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.
OKU, GENERAL.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.
OLD AGE HOMES, in Vienna.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.
OLD AGE PENSIONS.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.
"OLD BELIEVERS," RUSSIAN.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST.).
OLDENBURG: A. D. 1906.
Committed to Universal Suffrage.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
OMAR JAN.
See (in this Volume)
AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
ONTARIO: A. D. 1901-1902.
Census.
Reduced Representation in Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
ONTARIO: A. D. 1906-1907.
Political Experiments.
The Salaried Leader of Opposition, etc.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.
"OPEN DOOR," THE COMING OF THE EPOCH OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
WORLD MOVEMENTS.
{463}
OPIUM PROBLEM: China: A. D. 1900-1906.
Progressive Tariff and Internal Taxation measures to check
the Consumption of the Drug.
The following is from a report on opium production and
taxation in China prepared by Mr. Williams, Chinese secretary
of the United States Legation at Peking, and sent to the State
Department at Washington, in September, 1906:
[Transcriber's note: The following paragraph includes a
variety of spellings and possibly defective type slugs.
The tael was said to be worth 73 cents in gold in 1905.
The weight of the picul is 133½ pounds.]
"Previous to 1900 native opium passing through the maritime
customs at Ichaug had been paying a total charge of taels, 60
per picul exclusive of taxes at the place of production. In
July, 1900, the viceroy, Chang Chih-tung, with a view to
cheeking the consumption of opium in the territory under his
jurisdiction, increased this charge to taels 72 per picul, and
near the close of 1901 increased it again, making it taels 80
per picul. This, with the likin charged in Szechuen, made a
total on the product coming from that province of taels 84.76.
Opium designed for local consumption was still more heavily
taxed, being required to pay taels 90 besides the likin of
Szeehuen, or a total of 94.76 taels per picul. The immediate
result of this action was to greatly increase smuggling and to
drive legitimate traffic to the use of native junks or
roundabout land routes controlled by the native customs or
likin offices, and thus to reduce the receipts of the maritime
customs. Another significant result was the importation of a
small amount of foreign opium to a district where it had been
unknown for many years. In view of these facts, in 1903 the
authorities reduced the tax to a total of 76.75 taels per
picul, including the Szcchuen likin.
"In February, 1904, the same tax was imposed in the province
of Hunan, also in the jurisdiction of the Viceroy Chang
Chih-tung, and in the summer of the same year an agreement was
made with the provincial authorities of the provinces of
Kiangse and Anhui that one consolidated tax, to include both
likin and customs duties, should be levied at a uniform rate
in the four provinces, and to prevent discrimination by the
native customs as against the maritime service it was agreed
that the collection of this consolidated tax should be
intrusted to the imperial maritime customs at Ichang and to
branch offices under its control. The port of Ichang was
chosen because it is at the head of steam navigation on the
Yangtze, for which reason most of the opium from Yunnan and
Szechuen was sent thither for distribution. In 1905 this
arrangement was extended to four other provinces, Kiangse,
Fukien, Kuangtung, and Kuangsi, and the tax increased to taels
134.79 per picul for opium destined to the four inner
provinces and taels 104 for that going to those on the
seaboard. Previous to this latter arrangement, however, after
the experience of 1902, it was seen that unless the tax on
foreign opium should also be increased the effort to stamp out
the vice by heavy taxation would fail, and therefore in 1903
representations were made to the British Government by the
Chinese minister in London looking toward the increase of the
duty upon Indian opium. The reply of the British Government,
as quoted in the Peking Gazette, was that the tax on the
native drug ought to be increased by the same amount as any
addition made to the duty on the foreign article. Upon this a
memorial was submitted to the Imperial Chinese Government,
asking that the customs duty and likin on foreign and native
opium be increased by an equal amount, and the matter was
referred to the proper boards for consideration and report. No
further report has as yet appeared relating to the
negotiations respecting foreign opium. As to the native drug,
the steps to increase the taxes upon it in eight of the
provinces have been related above. The success of this
arrangement has been so pronounced that on the 7th of May this
year (1906) an imperial edict appeared directing that the
system adopted in the eight provinces mentioned above should
be at once extended to all the provinces of China proper and
at a later date, to be hereafter determined, to Turkestan and
Manchuria."
OPIUM PROBLEM: A. D. 1906.
Imperial Edict against the use of Opium.
Undertaking to suppress it in Ten Years.
By a formal edict from the throne, published in September,
1906, the imperial Government of China undertook to eradicate
the use of opium in that empire, and to do so by heroic
measures within ten years. A register was ordered to be made
of every consumer of the drug (estimated at 40 per cent. of
the vast population of the empire) and of the quantity that he
consumes. Those who are under 60 years of age must thereafter
diminish their consumption by not less than twenty per cent,
each year, till they are free of the habit and the use is
stopped. Meantime there would be a public provision of
medicines to assist the cure. To those beyond 60 years in age,
and to the princes, nobles, and magnates of the empire, a
certain relaxation of these rules would be allowed. But all
minor officials under 60 years must drop opium entirely, at
once, and there would be no toleration of an acquirement of
the opium habit thereafter. No further cultivation of the
poppy would be allowed, and, of course, the importation would
be controlled.
Tang Shao Yi, the special Chinese envoy who visited the United
States and England early in 1909, had much to do with this
measure on the part of his Government, and, in addressing a
deputation which called on him in London, had this to say of
the circumstances connected with it:
"He had always taken a deep interest in the anti-opium
movement ever since he was a student in America in the early
seventies. He had never realized, however, that they could
attempt to make such a movement in China till he was sent by
his Government to India in 1905 in connexion with the Lhasa
Convention. While there he had opportunities of studying the
opium question, and he was fortunate enough to make the
acquaintance of the finance secretary, Mr. Baker. From him he
learnt that the Government of India could dispense with the
revenue derived from opium. Nothing was more surprising to him
and nothing gave him greater joy than to hear that. In that
year the question was brought up in England, and when he
returned to China in the winter of 1905 he informed his
Government that the British public was very ‘anti-opium’ and
also that the Indian Government was not at all anxious for the
revenue derived from opium. Therefore, he told his Government
that it was for the Chinese themselves to put a stop to the
opium trade, and that they must not rely upon others. He had
already got regulations in his head and the Government asked
him to draw up certain rules to put a stop to the opium curse.
{464}
In order not to be too radical, he suggested that three years
should be allowed for putting an end to it, but the Cabinet
said that was too radical, and, although he suggested six
years, the final decision of the Government was to make it ten
years. He said that unless they put a stop to it in two or
three years they might as well let this generation die out.
They fully appreciated the co-operation of gentlemen in
England, and he begged that they would keep up the agitation
not only for their own sakes but for the sake of the Chinese
people. The Chinese people wanted to be reminded that they
were opium smokers and that they must give up the practice.
Some scepticism had been expressed as to the genuineness of
the movement in China, but he was sure that the people there
were in earnest, and he trusted that his Government and people
would not disappoint Great Britain."
OPIUM PROBLEM: A. D. 1909.
Progress in the Opium Reform.
An official report on the progress of the opium reform in
China, by Mr. Max Müller, Councillor of the British Legation
at Peking, was published as a Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 4967),
early in January, 1910. In communicating the report to the
Foreign Office, Sir N. Jordan wrote:
"This report shows that considerable progress continues to be
made in the task which the Chinese Government undertook three
years ago. There has undoubtedly been a very sensible
diminution in the consumption and cultivation of opium, and a
public opinion has been formed which will greatly strengthen
the hands of the Government and the provincial authorities in
the drastic measures which they contemplate taking in the near
future. … That the end, however, is so near as many of the
official pronouncements would seem to indicate is, I venture
to think, very doubtful. We have full and reliable information
about only two of the provinces—Shansi and Yunnan—and the
annexes to Mr. Max Müller’s report furnish eloquent testimony
of the good work that has been done in both. At the opposite
extreme stand Shensi, Kansu, Hupei, and Szeehuan, in all of
which comparatively little has been accomplished to check
either the consumption or cultivation of the drug. The
last-named province, which is by far the largest producing
area in the Empire, will furnish the supreme test of the
success or failure of the programme of total prohibition, and
as the order has gone forth that no poppy is to be sown this
autumn the issue on which so much depends is doubtless being
fought out as this report is being written."
OPIUM PROBLEM:
International Opium Commission, in Session at Shanghai,
February, 1909.
On the suggestion of Bishop Brent, of the Philippines, the
Government of the United States took the initiative in
bringing about the appointment of an International Commission
to investigate matters connected with the use of and traffic
in opium. The Commission, composed of delegates from China,
Japan, Great Britain, France, Germany, Holland, Turkey, and
the United States, met at Shanghai on the 1st of February,
1909, and was in session until the 26th of that month, under
the presidency of Bishop Brent. Its study of the subject
appears to have been made difficult and definite conclusions
prevented by the lack of trustworthy Chinese statistics of the
production of opium in the Empire itself, and of other
important facts. The results of four weeks of investigation
and discussion were embodied in nine resolutions, the first of
which recognized the sincerity of the endeavor of the Chinese
Government to eradicate the great evil from its dominion, in
these words: "The Commission recognizes the unswerving
sincerity of the Government of China in its efforts to
eradicate the production and consumption of opium throughout
the Empire, the increasing body of public opinion among the
Chinese by whom these efforts are supported, and the real,
though unequal, progress already made in a task of the
greatest magnitude."
Of the further resolutions, one urged upon all governments the
importance of drastic measures to control the manufacture,
sale, and distribution of morphia and other noxious
derivatives of opium; another recommended scientific
investigation of so-called opium remedies; a third said all
countries should adopt reasonable measures to prevent the
shipment of opium or its derivatives to any country which
prohibits their entry. By the terms of the remaining
resolutions the delegates were urged to influence as far as
possible their own governments to take steps for the gradual
suppression of opium smoking in their own territories
respectively; to further examine into their systems for the
regulation of the traffic, in the light of the experience of
other countries; to enter into negotiations with China to
insure the adoption of effective and prompt measures to
prohibit opium traffic in those concessions and settlements.
Finally, the conference recommended that each government apply
its pharmacy laws to its subjects in consular districts,
concessions, and settlements in China.
In some quarters the outcome of the meeting was sharply
criticised as being empty of any practical fruit, and England
was accused of having rendered it so, under the influence of
the Indian opium trade. But the State Department at Washington
gave expression to a very different view. There it was pointed
out that the Commission had been one of inquiry, only; that
its instructions had been "to study the opium problem and
report as to the best and most feasible means of solving it,"
and that this programme was executed "to the entire
satisfaction of the Governments concerned." Bishop Brent, who
presided over the Shanghai meeting, declared in his inaugural
address:
"It devolves upon me to pronounce with emphasis that this is a
commission, and as those who are informed—as all of you must
be in matters that pertain to international affairs of this
kind—a commission is not a conference. The idea of a
conference was suggested, but it seemed wise to choose this
particular form of action rather than a conference, because,
for the present at any rate, we are not sufficiently well
informed and sufficiently unanimous in our attitude to have a
conference with any great hope of immediate success."
{465}
As between China and Great Britain there is an opium problem
which does not affect other parties. An important part of
British Indian revenue is derived from the opium trade, and
the Government of India can hardly be expected to throw it
carelessly away, not knowing with certainty that it will not
be picked up as gain for somebody else. In 1906, when China
opened her campaign against opium, she entered into an
agreement with England that her own production of opium should
be reduced to extinction within ten years, and that the
importation from India (under former commercial treaties),
then amounting to 51,000 chests annually, should be reduced at
the rate of 5100 chests per year. It seems to have been the
lack of definite evidence as to the effective fulfilment of
this agreement which made the British attitude at Shanghai a
halting one.
The United States Government has not suffered the movement
against opium to rest where it was left by the Shanghai
Commission, but has asked the governments represented in that
Commission to send delegates to a formal International
Conference at The Hague.
OPIUM PROBLEM:
The Philippine Islands, taking Instruction from the Japanese
in Formosa.
A committee appointed by the Philippine Commission, to
investigate methods of dealing with the sale and use of opium,
included an American army officer, Major Carter, a Filipino
physician, Dr. Albert, and the missionary bishop of the
Protestant Episcopal Church, Bishop Brent. The following is
from a summary of the committee’s report, published in The
Outlook of March 4, 1905:
"Although the Committee visited and studied Java, Cochin
China, the Straits Settlements, and various places in China,
including Hong-kong, it really found the solution of the
question in the Japanese administration of Formosa. …
"It is not surprising that the Committee recommend what is
practically an adaptation of the Formosan system for the
Philippines. For the maintenance of this system it is
indispensable that the ‘opium and the traffic therein be made
a strict Government monopoly immediately.’ That is the first
provision. ‘Second, prohibition, except for medicinal
purposes, after three years. Third, only licensees, who shall
be males and over twenty-one years of age, shall be allowed to
use opium until prohibition goes into effect. Fourth, all
venders or dispensers of opium, except for medical purposes,
shall be salaried officials of the Government. Fifth, every
effort shall be made
(a) to deter the young from contracting the habit by pointing
out its evil effects and by legislation,
(b) to aid in caring for and curing those who manifest a
desire to give up the habit, and
(c) to punish and, if necessary, to remove from the islands
incorrigible offenders.’"
OPIUM PROBLEM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
Act to Prohibit the Importation and Smoking of Opium.
A stringent Act prohibitory of the importation and use of
opium for any other than medicinal purposes passed the Senate
of the United States on the 2d of February, 1909, having
already been adopted by the other House. Smoking opium is
positively forbidden; no one can bring it into the country
without facing a fine of from fifty to five thousand dollars
and imprisonment for two years; the mere possession of opium,
a preparation of, or derivative therefrom, is to be deemed
sufficient evidence to authorize conviction. For medicinal
purposes, opium may be brought in under regulations prescribed
by the Secretary of the Treasury.
OPSONINS.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.
ORANGE FREE STATE:
End of the Republic.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
ORDER OF RAILWAY CONDUCTORS.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.
ORGANIC STATUTES, The.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
ORMANIAN:
Armenian Patriarch.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.
OSAKA, The Burning of.
A large part of the city of Osaka, in Japan, was destroyed by
fire in August, 1909. "Had it not been for the canals the
region of destruction would have been even more extensive.
Citizens by the thousand fled into the surrounding country,
leaving the city to its fate. By the time the flames had spent
their force more than 12,000 houses had gone up in smoke,
leaving more than 100,000 people homeless. Most of the
municipal, government, and other important buildings of the
city were destroyed. Great numbers of people are ruined, as
the Japanese carry no insurance, as a rule. The amount of
insurance involved, however, is about 5,000,000 yen.
Fortunately, the number of casualties was not great. About a
dozen were killed by falling timbers, and several were more or
less injured."
OSCAR II., King of Sweden and Norway:
Surrender of the Crown of Norway.
See (in this Volume)
NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.
OSMEÑA, SERGIO:
President of the Philippine Assembly.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
OSTWALD, W.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES (CHEMISTRY)
OXFORD UNIVERSITY:
Rhodes Scholarships.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS.
OXFORD UNIVERSITY:
Tutorial Classes organized for Working People.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
P.
PACKING-HOUSE INVESTIGATION.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS: UNITED STATES.
PALMA, TOMAS ESTRADA:
President of Cuba.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902 and 1902.
PALMA, TOMAS ESTRADA:
Resignation of the Presidency of Cuba.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).
PAN-AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES.
PAN-ANGLICAN CONGRESS, 1909.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1903.
Secession from Colombia.
Recognized Independence.
Treaty with the United States for the Building
of the Panama Canal.
See (in this Volume)
PANAMA CANAL.
PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1904.
Constitution of the Republic.
First Election.
The Constitution of the new Republic was promulgated on the
16th of February, 1904, and the election of President and
three Vice-Presidents took place, resulting in the choice of
the following:
President, Dr. Manuel Amador;
first vice-president, Dr. Pablo Arosemena;
second vice-president, Don Domingo de Obaldia;
third vice-president, Dr. Carlos Mendoza.
{466}
The third article of the Constitution declares: "The territory
of the Republic is composed of all the territory from which
the State of Panama was formed by the amendment to the Granada
constitution of 1853, on February 27, 1855, and which was
transformed in 1886 into the Department of Panama, together
with its islands, and of the continental and insular
territory, which was adjudged to the Republic of Colombia in
the award made by the President of the French Republic on
September 11, 1900. The territory of the Republic remains
subject to the jurisdictional limitations stipulated or which
may be stipulated in public treaties concluded with the United
States of North America for the construction, maintenance, or
sanitation of any means of interoceanic transit.
"The boundaries with the Republic of Colombia shall be
determined by public treaties."
PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1906.
Visit of President Roosevelt.
"For the first time in the history of the United States," said
President Roosevelt, when he landed at Colon, November 14,
1906, preliminary to a visit and inspection of the Panama
Canal, "it has become advisable for a President of the United
States to step on territory not beneath the flag of the United
States." He received a most hospitable welcome and
entertainment in the young republic.
PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1906.
Participation in Third International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1909.
Pending Tripartite Treaty with Colombia and the United States.
See (in this Volume)
COLOMBIA: A. D. 1906-1909.
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.
The Second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty between the United States
and Great Britain.
Its Ratification.
After the rejection by the British Government of the
Amendments made by the Senate of the United States to the
Interoceanic Canal Treaty negotiated in February, 1900, by Mr.
John Hay, United States Secretary of State, with the British
Ambassador at Washington, Lord Pauncefote negotiations on the
subject were renewed, with results of success in removing
objections on both sides.
See, in Volume VI. of this work,
CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).
The new Treaty was signed by Mr. Hay and Lord Pauncefote at
Washington on the 18th of November, 1901, and ratifications
were exchanged on the 21st of February, 1902. In the preamble
of the Treaty its purpose is declared to be "to facilitate the
construction of a ship-canal to connect the Atlantic and
Pacific Oceans, by whatever route may be considered expedient,
and to that end to remove any objection which may arise out of
the Convention of the 19th April, 1850, commonly called the
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, to the construction of such canal under
the auspices of the Government of the United States, without
impairing the ‘general principle’ of neutralization
established in Article VIII of that Convention." The
agreements and stipulations to this end are as follows:
"Article I.
The High Contracting Parties agree that the present Treaty
shall supersede the afore mentioned Convention of the 19th
April, 1850.
"Article II.
It is agreed that the canal may be constructed under the
auspices of the Government of the United States, either
directly at its own cost, or by gift or loan of money to
individuals or Corporations, or through subscription to or
purchase of stock or shares, and that, subject to the
provisions of the present Treaty, the said Government shall
have and enjoy all the rights incident to such construction,
as well as the exclusive right of providing for the regulation
and management of the canal.
"Article III.
The United States adopts, as the basis of the neutralization
of such ship canal, the following Rules, substantially as
embodied in the Convention of Constantinople, signed the 28th
October, 1888, for the free navigation of the Suez Canal, that
is to say:
"1. The canal shall be free and open to the vessels of
commerce and of war of all nations observing these Rules, on
terms of entire equality, so that there shall be no
discrimination against any such nation, or its citizens or
subjects, in respect of the conditions or charges of traffic,
or otherwise. Such conditions and charges of traffic shall be
just and equitable.
"2. The canal shall never be blockaded, nor shall any right of
war be exercised nor any act of hostility be committed within
it. The United States, however, shall be at liberty to
maintain such military police along the canal as may be
necessary to protect it against lawlessness and disorder.
"3. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not revictual nor
take any stores in the canal except so far as may be strictly
necessary; and the transit of such vessels through the canal
shall be effected with the least possible delay in accordance
with the Regulations in force, and with only such intermission
as may result from the necessities of the service. Prizes
shall be in all respects subject to the same Rules as vessels
of war of the belligerents.
"4. No belligerent shall embark or disembark troops, munitions
of war, or warlike materials in the canal, except in case of
accidental hindrance of the transit, and in such case the
transit shall be resumed with all possible dispatch.
"5. The provisions of this Article shall apply to waters
adjacent to the canal, within 3 marine miles of either end.
Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not remain in such
waters longer than twenty-four hours at any one time, except
in case of distress, and in such case shall depart as soon as
possible; but a vessel of war of one belligerent shall not
depart within twenty-four hours from the departure of a vessel
of war of the other belligerent.
"6. The plant, establishments, buildings, and all works
necessary to the construction, maintenance, and operation of
the canal shall be deemed to be part thereof, for the purposes
of this Treaty, and in time of war, as in time of peace, shall
enjoy complete immunity from attack or injury by belligerents,
and from acts calculated to impair their usefulness as part of
the canal.
"Article IV.
It is agreed that no change of territorial sovereignty or of
the international relations of the country or countries
traversed by the before mentioned canal shall affect the
genera principle of neutralization or the obligation of the
High Contracting Parties under the present Treaty.
{467}
"Article V.
The present Treaty shall be ratified by the President of the
United States, by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate thereof, and by His Britannic Majesty: and the
ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington or at London at
the earliest possible time within six mouths from the date
hereof."
Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the
United States, transmitted to Congress, December, 1902.
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1902.
Undertaking of the United States endorsed by
the Second Conference of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1903.
Purchase of the Franchises and Property of the Bankrupt
French Company.
Treaty with Colombia for the Building of the Canal rejected
by the Colombian Senate.
Secession of Panama.
Recognition of the Independence of Panama.
Treaty with the new Republic for the Building and
Control of the Canal.
President Roosevelt’s narrative of events.
The transactions that were preliminary to the undertaking of
the construction of an interoceanic canal through the Isthmus
of Panama, by the Government of the United States, are
narrated down to March, 1901.
See (in Volume VI. of this work)
CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.
At that time the proposed Nicaragua route was principally
contemplated, for the reason that the rights in Panama held by
the bankrupt French Company of Lesseps (see, in Volume IV.,
PANAMA CANAL) seemed unobtainable, on any terms which the
American Government could accept. A commission appointed by
President McKinley to investigate the situation had reported
to that effect in November, 1900, and had recommended the
building of a canal on the Nicaragua route. The effect of this
report, and of the manifest disposition of the American
Congress to authorize the building of a Nicaragua ship canal,
was to draw from the French company an offer of its Panama
franchises and entire property for the sum of $40,000,000.
After long debate this offer was accepted, and negotiations
were opened with the Republic of Colombia for the necessary
treaty rights. Meantime the Hay-Pauncefote treaty with Great
Britain, which the American Senate had amended in a manner
objectionable to the British Government, was modified to the
satisfaction of the latter, and the enterprise was cleared of
questions except those between Colombia and the United States.
The next ensuing events can be told in the words of President
Roosevelt’s report of them to Congress, in his Message at the
opening of the session convened on the 7th of December, 1903:
"By the act of June 28, 1902," wrote the President, "the
Congress authorized the President to enter into treaty with
Colombia for the building of the canal across the Isthmus of
Panama; it being provided that in the event of failure to
secure such treaty, after the lapse of a reasonable time,
recourse should be had to the building of a canal through
Nicaragua. It has not been necessary to consider this
alternative, as I am enabled to lay before the Senate a treaty
providing for the building of the canal across the Isthmus of
Panama. This was the route which commended itself to the
deliberate judgment of the Congress, and we can now acquire by
Treaty the right to construct the canal over this route. The
question now, therefore, is not by which route the isthmian
canal shall be built, for that question has been definitely
and irrevocably decided. The question is simply whether or not
we shall have an isthmian canal.
"When the Congress directed that we should take the Panama
route under treaty with Colombia, the essence of the
condition, of course, referred not to the Government which
controlled that route, but to the route itself; to the
territory across which the route lay, not to the name which
for the moment the territory bore on the map. The purpose of
the law was to authorize the President to make a treaty with
the power in actual control of the Isthmus of Panama. This
purpose has been fulfilled.
"In the year 1846 this Government entered into a treaty with
New Granada, the predecessor upon the Isthmus of the Republic
of Colombia and of the present Republic of Panama, by which
treaty it was provided that the Government and citizens of the
United States should always have free and open right of way or
transit across the Isthmus of Panama by any modes of
communication that might be constructed, while in return our
Government guaranteed the perfect neutrality of the
above-mentioned Isthmus with the view that the free transit
from the one to the other sea might not be interrupted or
embarrassed. The treaty vested in the United States a
substantial property right carved out of the rights of
sovereignty and property which New Granada then had and
possessed over the said territory. The name of New Granada has
passed away and its territory has been divided. Its successor,
the Government of Colombia, has ceased to own any property in
the Isthmus. A new Republic, that of Panama, which was at one
time a sovereign state, and at another time a mere department
of the successive confederations known as New Granada and
Colombia, has now succeeded to the rights which first one and
then the other formerly exercised over the Isthmus. But as
long as the Isthmus endures, the mere geographical fact of its
existence, and the peculiar interest therein which is required
by our position, perpetuate the solemn contract which binds
the holders of the territory to respect our right to freedom
of transit across it, and binds us in return to safeguard for
the Isthmus and the world the exercise of that inestimable
privilege. The true interpretation of the obligations upon
which the United States entered in this treaty of 1846 has
been given repeatedly in the utterances of Presidents and
Secretaries of State. …
"Attorney-General Speed, under date of November 7, 1865,
advised Secretary Seward as follows: ‘From this treaty it can
not be supposed that New Granada invited the United States
to become a party to the intestine troubles of that
Government, nor did the United States become bound to take
sides in the domestic broils of New Granada. The United States
did guarantee New Granada in the sovereignty and property over
the territory. This was as against other and foreign
governments.’
{468}
"For four hundred years, ever since shortly after the
discovery of this hemisphere, the canal across the Isthmus has
been planned. For two score years it has been worked at. When
made it is to last for the ages. It is to alter the geography
of a continent and the trade routes of the world. We have
shown by every treaty we have negotiated or attempted to
negotiate with the peoples in control of the Isthmus and with
foreign nations in reference thereto our consistent good faith
in observing our obligations; on the one hand to the peoples
of the Isthmus, and on the other hand to the civilized world
whose commercial rights we are safeguarding and guaranteeing
by our action. We have done our duty to others in letter and
in spirit, and we have shown the utmost forbearance in
exacting our own rights.
"Last spring, under the act above referred to, a treaty
concluded between the representatives of the Republic of
Colombia and of our Government was ratified by the Senate.
This treaty was entered into at the urgent solicitation of the
people of Colombia and after a body of experts appointed by
our Government especially to go into the matter of the routes
across the Isthmus had pronounced unanimously in favor of the
Panama route. In drawing up this treaty every concession was
made to the people and to the Government of Colombia. We were
more than just in dealing with them. Our generosity was such
as to make it a serious question whether we had not gone too
far in their interest at the expense of our own; for in our
scrupulous desire to pay all possible heed, not merely to the
real but even to the fancied rights of our weaker neighbor,
who already owed so much to our protection and forbearance, we
yielded in all possible ways to her desires in drawing up the
treaty. Nevertheless the Government of Colombia not merely
repudiated the treaty, but repudiated it in such a manner as
to make it evident by the time the Colombian Congress
adjourned that not the scantiest hope remained of ever getting
a satisfactory treaty from them. The Government of Colombia
made the treaty, and yet when the Colombian Congress was
called to ratify it the vote against ratification was
unanimous. It does not appear that the Government made any
real effort to secure ratification.
"Immediately after the adjournment of the Congress a
revolution broke out in Panama. The people of Panama had long
been discontented with the Republic of Colombia, and they had
been kept quiet only by the prospect of the conclusion of the
treaty, which was to them a matter of vital concern. When it
became evident that the treaty was hopelessly lost, the people
of Panama rose literally as one man. Not a shot was fired by a
single man on the Isthmus in the interest of the Colombian
Government. Not a life was lost in the accomplishment of the
revolution. The Colombian troops stationed on the Isthmus, who
had long been unpaid, made common cause with the people of
Panama, and with astonishing unanimity the new Republic was
started. The duty of the United States in the premises was
clear. In strict accordance with the principles laid down by
Secretaries Cass and Seward … the United States gave notice
that it would permit the landing of no expeditionary force,
the arrival of which would mean chaos and destruction along
the line of the railroad and of the proposed canal, and an
interruption of transit as an inevitable consequence. The de
facto Government of Panama was recognized in the following
telegram to Mr. Ehrman:
"‘The people of Panama have, by apparently unanimous movement,
dissolved their political connection with the Republic of
Colombia and resumed their independence. When you are
satisfied that a de facto government, republican in form and
without substantial opposition from its own people, has been
established in the State of Panama, you will enter into
relations with it as the responsible government of the
territory and look to it for all due action to protect the
persons and property of citizens of the United States and to
keep open the isthmian transit, in accordance with the
obligations of existing treaties governing the relations of
the United States to that territory.’
"The Government of Colombia was notified of our action by the
following telegram to Mr. Beaupré:
"‘The people of Panama having, by an apparently unanimous
movement, dissolved their political connection with the
Republic of Colombia and resumed their independence, and
having adopted a Government of their own, republican in form,
with which the Government of the United States of America has
entered into relations, the President of the United States, in
accordance with the ties of friendship which have so long and
so happily existed between the respective nations, most
earnestly commends to the Governments of Colombia and of
Panama the peaceful and equitable settlement of all questions
at issue between them. He holds that he is bound not merely by
treaty obligations, but by the interests of civilization, to
see that the peaceful traffic of the world across the Isthmus
of Panama shall not longer be disturbed by a constant
succession of unnecessary and wasteful civil wars.’
"When these events happened, fifty-seven years had elapsed
since the United States had entered into its treaty with New
Granada. During that time the Governments of New Granada and
of its successor, Colombia, have been in a constant state of
flux.
[The President then gives a list, by date, of 53 more or less
serious disturbances of the public peace on the Isthmus which
United States consuls had reported to the Government at
Washington between May, 1850, and July, 1902. From this he
proceeds:]
"The above is only a partial list of the revolutions,
rebellions, insurrections, riots, and other outbreaks that
have occurred during the period in question; yet they number
53 for the 57 years. It will be noted that one of them lasted
for nearly three years before it was quelled; another for
nearly a year. In short, the experience of over half a century
has shown Colombia to be utterly incapable of keeping order on
the Isthmus. Only the active interference of the United States
has enabled her to preserve so much as a semblance of
sovereignty. Had it not been for the exercise by the United
States of the police power in her interest, her connection
with the Isthmus would have been sundered long ago. In 1856,
in 1860, in 1873, in 1885, in 1901, and again in 1902, sailors
and marines from United States war-ships were forced to land
in order to patrol the Isthmus, to protect life and property,
and to see that the transit across the Isthmus was kept open.
In 1861, in 1862, in 1885, and in 1900, the Colombian
Government asked that the United States Government would land
troops to protect its interests and maintain order on the
Isthmus. …
{469}
"The control, in the interest of the commerce and traffic of
the whole civilized world, of the means of undisturbed transit
across the Isthmus of Panama has become of transcendent
importance to the United States. We have repeatedly exercised
this control by intervening in the course of domestic
dissension, and by protecting the territory from foreign
invasion. In 1853 Mr. Everett assured the Peruvian minister
that we should not hesitate to maintain the neutrality of the
Isthmus in the case of war between Peru and Colombia. In 1864
Colombia, which has always been vigilant to avail itself of
its privileges conferred by the treaty, expressed its
expectation that in the event of war between Peru and Spain
the United States would carry into effect the guaranty of
neutrality. There have been few administrations of the State
Department in which this treaty has not, either by the one
side or the other, been used as a basis of more or less
important demands. It was said by Mr. Fish in 1871 that the
Department of State had reason to believe that an attack upon
Colombian sovereignty on the Isthmus had, on several
occasions, been averted by warning from this Government. In
1886, when Colombia was under the menace of hostilities from
Italy in the Cerruti case, Mr. Bayard expressed the serious
concern that the United States could not but feel, that a
European power should resort to force against a sister
republic of this hemisphere, as to the sovereign and
uninterrupted use of a part of whose territory we are
guarantors under the solemn faith of a treaty.
"The above recital of facts establishes beyond question:
First, that the United States has for over half a century
patiently and in good faith carried out its obligations under
the treaty of 1846; second, that when for the first time it
became possible for Colombia to do anything in requital of the
services thus repeatedly rendered to it for fifty-seven years
by the United States, the Colombian Government peremptorily
and offensively refused thus to do its part, even though to do
so would have been to its advantage and immeasurably to the
advantage of the State of Panama, at that time under its
jurisdiction; third, that throughout this period revolutions,
riots, and factional disturbances of every kind have occurred
one after the other in almost uninterrupted succession, some
of them lasting for months and even for years, while the
central government was unable to put them down or to make
peace with the rebels; fourth, that these disturbances instead
of showing any sign of abating have tended to grow more
numerous and more serious in the immediate past; fifth, that
the control of Colombia over the Isthmus of Panama could not
be maintained without the armed intervention and assistance of
the United States. In other words, the Government of Colombia,
though wholly unable to maintain order on the Isthmus, has
nevertheless declined to ratify a treaty the conclusion of
which opened the only chance to secure its own stability and
to guarantee permanent peace on, and the construction of a
canal across the Isthmus.
"Under such circumstances the Government of the United States
would have been guilty of folly and weakness, amounting in
their sum to a crime against the Nation, had it acted
otherwise than it did when the revolution of November 3 last
took place in Panama. This great enterprise of building the
interoceanic canal can not be held up to gratify the whims, or
out of respect to the governmental impotence, or to the even
more sinister and evil political peculiarities, of people who,
though they dwell afar off, yet, against the wish of the
actual dwellers on the Isthmus, assert an unreal supremacy
over the territory. The possession of a territory fraught with
such peculiar capacities as the Isthmus in question carries
with it obligations to mankind. The course of events has shown
that this canal can not be built by private enterprise, or by
any other nation than our own; therefore it must be built by
the United States.
"Every effort has been made by the Government of the United
States to persuade Colombia to follow a course which was
essentially not only to our interests and to the interests of
the world, but to the interests of Colombia itself. These
efforts have failed; and Colombia, by her persistence in
repulsing the advances that have been made, has forced us, for
the sake of our own honor, and of the interest and well-being,
not merely of our own people, but of the people of the Isthmus
of Panama and the people of the civilized countries of the
world, to take decisive steps to bring to an end a condition
of affairs which had become intolerable. The new Republic of
Panama immediately offered to negotiate a treaty with us. This
treaty I herewith submit. By it our interests are better
safeguarded than in the treaty with Colombia which was
ratified by the Senate at its last session. It is better in
its terms than the treaties offered to us by the Republics of
Nicaragua and Costa Rica. At last the right to begin this
great undertaking is made available. Panama has done her part.
All that remains is for the American Congress to do its part
and forthwith this Republic will enter upon the execution of a
project colossal in its size and of well-nigh incalculable
possibilities for the good of this country and the nations of
mankind.
"By the provisions of the treaty the United States guarantees
and will maintain the independence of the Republic of Panama.
There is granted to the United States in perpetuity the use,
occupation, and control of a strip ten miles wide and
extending three nautical miles into the sea at either
terminal, with all lands lying outside of the zone necessary
for the construction of the canal or for its auxiliary works,
and with the islands in the Bay of Panama. The cities of
Panama and Colon are not embraced in the canal zone, but the
United States assumes their sanitation and, in case of need,
the maintenance of order therein; the United States enjoys
within the granted limits all the rights, power, and authority
which it would possess were it the sovereign of the territory
to the exclusion of the exercise of sovereign rights by the
Republic. All railway and canal property rights belonging to
Panama and needed for the canal pass to the United States,
including any property of the respective companies in the
cities of Panama and Colon; the works, property, and personnel
of the canal and railways are exempted from taxation as well
in the cities of Panama and Colon as in the canal zone and its
dependencies. Free immigration of the personnel and
importation of supplies for the construction and operation of
the canal are granted. Provision is made for the use of
military force and the building of fortifications by the
United States for the protection of the transit.
{470}
In other details, particularly as to the acquisition of the
interests of the New Panama Canal Company and the Panama
Railway by the United States and the condemnation of private
property for the uses of the canal, the stipulations of the

Hay-Herran treaty are closely followed, while the compensation
to be given for these enlarged grants remains the same, being
ten millions of dollars payable on exchange of ratifications;
and, beginning nine years from that date, an annual payment of
$250,000 during the life of the convention."
President's Message,
December 7, 1903.
The text of the Treaty with Panama may be found in the Volume
of "Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
States" for 1904, pp. 543-551.
In the view of a good many critics who are not of a captious
disposition, the conduct of the Government of the United
States in these transactions was not as unquestionable as it
appeared to President Roosevelt. Professor Coolidge, of
Harvard University, in his candid and broadly studied work on
"The United States as a World Power" (prepared originally in
the form of lectures delivered at the Sorbonne, in Paris),
remarks that "to forbid the landing of Colombian troops was to
stretch the meaning of the old American right to maintain
order along the line of the railway to an extent hardly
justifiable in dealing with a friendly nation, and the haste
with which the administration at Washington recognized the
independence of the new republic and concluded a treaty with
it appeared to many people indecent. The truth was the
Americans did not feel that they were dealing with a friendly
nation."
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1904-1905.
Beginning and Organization of the Work of Construction.
"The treaty between the United States and the Republic of
Panama, under which the construction of the Panama Canal was
made possible, went into effect with its ratification by the
United States Senate on February 23, 1904. The canal
properties of the French Canal Company were transferred to the
United States on April 23, 1904, on payment of $40,000,000 to
that company. On April 1, 1905, the Commission was
reorganized, and it now consists of Theodore P. Shonts,
chairman, Charles E. Magoon, Benjamin M. Harrod, Rear-Admiral
Mordecai T. Endicott, Brigadier General Peter C. Hains, and
Colonel Oswald H. Ernst. John F. Stevens was appointed chief
engineer on July 1 last. Active work in canal construction,
mainly preparatory, has been in progress for less than a year
and a half. During that period two points about the canal have
ceased to be open to debate. First, the question of route; the
canal will be built on the Isthmus of Panama. Second, the
question of feasibility; there are no physical obstacles on
this route that American engineering skill will not be able to
overcome without serious difficulty, or that will prevent the
completion of the canal within a reasonable time and at a
reasonable cost. This is virtually the unanimous testimony of
the engineers who have investigated the matter for the
Government. The point which remains unsettled is the question
of type, whether the canal shall be one of several locks above
sea level, or at sea level with a single tide lock. On this
point I hope to lay before the Congress at an early day the
findings of the Advisory Board of American and European
Engineers, that at my invitation have been considering the
subject, together with the report of the Commission thereon;
and such comments thereon or recommendations in reference
thereto as may seem necessary.
"The American people is pledged to the speediest possible
construction of a canal, adequate to meet the demands which
the commerce of the world will make upon it, and I appeal most
earnestly to the Congress to aid in the fulfillment of the
pledge. Gratifying progress has been made during the past year
and especially during the past four months. The greater part
of the necessary preliminary work has been done. Actual work
of excavation could be begun only on a limited scale till the
Canal Zone was made a healthful place to live in and to work
in. The isthmus had to be sanitated first.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: PANAMA CANAL.
This task has been so thoroughly accomplished that yellow
fever has been virtually extirpated from the Isthmus and
general health conditions vastly improved. The same methods
which converted the island of Cuba from a pest hole, which
menaced the health of the world, into a healthful place of
abode, have been applied on the Isthmus with satisfactory
results. There is no reason to doubt that when the plans for
water supply, paving, and sewerage of Panama and Colon and the
large labor camps have been fully carried out, the Isthmus
will be, for the Tropics, an unusually healthy place of abode.
The work is so far advanced now that the health of all those
employed in canal work is as well guarded as it is on similar
work in this country and elsewhere.
"In addition to sanitating the Isthmus, satisfactory quarters
are being provided for employees and an adequate system of
supplying them with wholesome food at reasonable prices has
been created. Hospitals have been established and equipped
that are without superiors of their kind anywhere. The country
has thus been made fit to work in, and provision has been made
for the welfare and comfort of those who are to do the work.
During the past year a large portion of the plant with which
the work is to be done has been ordered. It is confidently
believed that by the middle of the approaching year a
sufficient proportion of this plant will have been installed
to enable us to resume the work of excavation on a large
scale."
President's Message to Congress,
December 5, 1905.
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.
Prosecution and progress of the work.
Mr. John L. Stevens was in charge of the work on the Canal, as
Chief Engineer, until April 1, 1907, when he resigned, and it
was then determined by the Government to place it under the
direction of an army engineer. The officer chosen for the
service was Lieutenant-Colonel George W. Goethals, of the
Engineer Corps, with Major Gaillard and Major Siebert as
assistant engineers, and this arrangement has been justified
amply by results. At the same time a final determination was
arrived at, against the placing of any part of the work under
contract; and this, too, has been approved by experience in
the undertaking since. Shortly before the occurrence of these
changes Mr. Shonts had resigned the chairmanship of the Canal
Commission, to take the presidency of the Interborough Co. of
New York, and Colonel Goethals became Chairman of the
Commission as well as Chief Engineer.
{471}
In June, 1906, the original design of a sea-level canal
throughout, with no locks, was dropped, after much
consideration and under weighty engineering advice. As
described very tersely and clearly by an English writer on the
subject, the new plan for locks is worked out as follows:
"Beginning at deep water in Limon Bay, on the Caribbean coast,
there will be a tide-water channel 500 ft. wide and 6.70 miles
long to Gatun. At Gatun there will be the vast dam, the ascent
of which will be effected by means of two flights of locks. In
each flight there will be three locks, each 1,000 ft. long,
110 ft. wide, and 41.3 ft. deep on the sills. These will give
access to a lake formed by the impounded waters of the Chagres
river, with a surface level 85 ft. above mean tide level.
Through this lake will extend a channel from 500 ft. to 1,000
ft. wide for 23.59 miles to Bas Obispo, the entrance to the
Culebra cut. Thence through that cut there will be a channel
300 ft. wide for 8.11 miles to Pedro Miguel, the surface level
being the same as that of the lake. At Pedro Miguel there will
be a dam with twin locks, side by side, by which descent of 30
ft. will be made to a smaller lake 55 ft. above tide-water.
This lake, only 0.97 of a mile long, will be traversed by a
channel 500 ft. wide to Miraflores, where there will be
another dam, with twin flights of locks, two locks in each
flight, bringing the canal down to tide level; and from
Miraflores a channel 500 ft. wide will extend 8.31 miles to
deep water in the Bay of Panama. The channel will nowhere,
save on the lock sills, be less than 45 ft. deep, and the
locks at Pedro Miguel and Miraflores will be of the same
dimensions as those at Gatun."
This altered plan received much persistent criticism,—so
persistent that, in January, 1909, after the election of Mr.
Taft to the Presidency of the United States, but before his
assumption of the office, the President-elect, who, as
Secretary of War, had been the responsible administrator of
the undertaking, went to the Isthmus with a selected committee
of engineers, who were asked to examine and report on the
plans and methods of the work. Their reports, made in
February, endorsed both. In communicating them to Congress the
President characterized them as showing that "the only
criticism that can be made of the work on the isthmus is that
there has sometimes been almost an excess of caution in
providing against possible trouble. As to the Gatun dam
itself, they show that not only is the dam safe, but on the
whole the plan already adopted would make it needlessly high
and strong, and accordingly they recommend that the height be
reduced by twenty feet, which change in the plans I have
accordingly directed." Of the engineers who made the report he
remarked that they "are of all the men in their profession,
within or without the United States, the men who are on the
whole best qualified to pass on these very questions which
they examined." The membership of the committee or board was
as follows: Frederic P. Stearns, James D. Schuyler, Arthur P.
Davis, Isham Randolph, Henry D. Allen, John R. Freeman, and
Allen Hazen.
The engineers reported that "as the Gatun earth dam was the
central point of discussion, they gave it under instructions
from Mr. Taft first consideration in the light of all new
evidences," and they added "that the type of dam under
consideration is one which meets with our unanimous approval."
Dams and locks, lock gates and all other engineering
structures involved in the lock-canal project, are "feasible
and safe," according to the engineers, "and can be depended
upon to perform with certainty their respective functions."
Considering the cost and time of construction of a sea-level
canal as compared with the lock type, they held that "most of
the factors which have operated to increase the cost of the
lock canal would operate with similar effect to increase the
cost of the sea-level canal, and at the present time there are
additional factors of even greater importance to be considered
as affecting the time of completion and cost of a sea-level
canal." One of these they found in the Gamboa dam. If work on
this were to be started as soon as possible, they asserted it
"could not be completed until after the time required for the
completion of the lock-canal." Further than this, they said
that "a change in the type would result in abandoning work
which represents large expenditure." They claimed that by the
change the river Chagres and the rivers on the Isthmus
tributary thereto, "instead of being allies, would be enemies
of the canal, and floods in them would greatly interfere with
the work."
Replying to the criticism that "the canal region is liable to
earthquake shocks, and that a sea-level canal would be less
subject to injury by earthquakes than a lock canal," they
asserted that "dams and locks are structures of great
stability and little subject to damage by earthquake shocks,"
but that even if they could regard earthquakes as a source of
serious damage to any type of canal on the Isthmus, "their
effect upon the dams, locks and regulating works proposed for
the sea-level canal would be much the same as upon similar
structures of the lock canal."
Finally, they said: " We see no reason why the canal should
not be completed, as estimated by the chief engineer, by
January 1, 1915; in fact, it seems that a somewhat earlier
date is probable, if all goes well."
PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1909.
Prohibition in the Canal Zone.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CASUAL OCCURRENCES OF SALOON SUPPRESSION.
PAN-AMERICAN EXPOSITION.
See (in this Volume)
BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.
PAN-AMERICAN RAILWAY:
Resolution of Third International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PANICS, Monetary, of 1903 and 1907.
See (in this Volume)
FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.
PAN ISLAMISM.
See (in this Volume)
SENUSSIA; also Egypt: A. D. 1905-1906.
PANKHURST, MRS. EMELINE.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
PANLUNG, THE CAPTURE OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
PAN-LUN-SHAN REDOUBT, CAPTURE OF.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).
{472}
----------PAPACY: Start--------
PAPACY: A. D. 1902.
Secession of the Independent Filipino Church.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.
PAPACY: A. D. 1903 (July-August).
Death of Pope Leo XIII.
Election of Pius X.
The Papal seat became vacant by the death of Pope Leo XIII. on
the 20th of July, 1903. The Conclave of Cardinals for the
election of his successor assembled on the 31st of the month,
and its choice of Cardinal Sarto, Patriarch of Venice, was
made known on August 3d. The new Pope assumed the name of Pius
X.
PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
Papal Prohibition of Civil Interference with
the Election of the Roman Pontiff.
The Civil Veto, in all forms, denounced.
In the first year of his pontificate, on the 20th of January,
1904, Pope Pius X. pronounced the following denunciation and
prohibition of every kind of intrusion of civil authority or
influence in the election of a Roman pontiff: "When first, all
unworthy as we are, we ascended this chair of Peter, we deemed
it a most urgent duty of our apostolic office to provide that
the life of the Church should manifest itself with absolute
freedom, by the removal of all extraneous interference, as her
divine Founder willed that it should manifest itself, and as
her lofty mission imperatively requires.
"Now if there is one function above all others in the life of
the Church which demands this liberty it is certainly that
which is concerned with the election of the Roman pontiff;
for when the head is in question, the health not of one
member alone but of the whole body is involved (Gregory
XV. Constit. Aeterni Patris in proem).
"To this full liberty in the election of the Supreme Pastor is
opposed first of all that civil Veto which has been
more than once brought forward by the rulers of some states,
and by which it is sought to exclude somebody from the supreme
pontificate. If this has happened sometimes, it has never been
approved by the apostolic see. On the contrary the Roman
pontiffs, in their enactments on the conclave, have been in
nothing perhaps more emphatic or more earnest than in their
efforts to exclude the interference of all extraneous powers
from the sacred senate of the Cardinals summoned to elect the
pontiff. …
"But, and experience has shown it, the measures hitherto taken
for preventing the civil Veto, or Exclusive,
have not served their purpose, and on account of the changed
circumstances of the times the intrusion of the civil power in
our day is more clearly than ever before destitute of all
foundation in reason or equity, therefore we, by virtue of the
apostolic charge entrusted to us, and following in the
footsteps of our predecessors, after having maturely
deliberated, with certain knowledge and by our own motion, do
absolutely condemn the civil Veto, or Exclusive as it is also called, even when expressed under the form of a
mere desire, and all interventions and intercessions
whatsoever, decreeing that it is not lawful for anybody, not
even the supreme rulers of states, under any pretext, to
interpose or interfere in the grave matter of the election of
the Roman pontiff.
"Wherefore, in virtue of holy obedience, under threat of
divine judgment and pain of excommunication latae
sententiae reserved in a special manner to the future
pontiff, we prohibit all and single the Cardinals of holy
Roman Church, and likewise the secretary of the Sacred College
of Cardinals and all others who take part in the conclave to
receive, even under the form of a simple desire, the office of
proposing the Veto or Exclusive, or to make
known this Veto in whatever manner it may have come to
their knowledge, to the Sacred College of Cardinals either
taken as a whole or to the individual fathers Cardinals,
either by writing, by word of mouth, whether directly and
proximately, or indirectly and through others. And it is our
will that this prohibition be extended to all the
interventions above mentioned, and to all other intercessions
whatsoever, by which the lay powers, of whatsoever grade and
order, endeavor to intrude themselves in the election of the
pontiff.
"Finally we vehemently exhort, in the same words as those used
by our predecessors, that in the election of the pontiff,
they pay no attention whatever to the appeals of secular
princes or other worldly considerations … but solely with
the glory of God and the good of the Church before their eyes,
give their votes to him whom they judge in the Lord better
fitted than the others to rule the Universal Church fruitfully
and usefully. It is our will also that these our letters,
together with the other constitutions of the same kind, be
read in the presence of all in the first of the congregations
wont to be held after the death of the pontiff; again after
entrance into the conclave; also when anybody is raised to the
dignity of the purple, with the addition of an oath binding to
the religious observance of what is decreed in the present
constitution."
PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
Amenities between the Vatican and the Quirinal.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1904.
PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
Increased Participation of Catholics in the Italian Elections.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1904 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).
PAPACY: A. D. 1905.
Relaxation of the Withdrawal of Italian Catholics from
Political Action.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906 .
PAPACY: A. D. 1905-1906.
The Separation of Church and State in France.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
PAPACY: A. D. 1906.
Anti-Clerical Movement in Spain.
Proposed Associations Law.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906.
PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (February).
Encyclical "Vehementer Nos," to the Prelates, Clergy, and
People of France, concerning the Separation Law.
The following are passages from the Encyclical known, from its
opening words in the Latin text as "Vehementer Nos," which
Pope Pius X. addressed to the French nation on the 19th of
February, 1906, after the adoption of the Law separating the
Church from the State:
"To the Archbishops, Bishops, Clergy and People of France. …
Venerable Brethren, Well-Beloved Sons, Health and Apostolic
Benediction.
{473}
"Our soul is full of sorrowful solicitude and our heart
overflows with grief when our thoughts dwell upon you. How,
indeed, could it be otherwise, immediately after the
promulgation of that law which, by sundering violently the old
ties that linked your nation with the Apostolic See, creates
for the Catholic Church in France a situation unworthy of her
and ever to be lamented? That is, beyond question, an event of
the gravest import, and one that must be deplored by all
right-minded men, for it is as disastrous to society as it is
to religion; but it is an event which can have surprised
nobody who has paid any attention to the religious policy
followed in France of late years. For you, Venerable Brethren,
it will certainly have been nothing new or strange, witnesses
as you have been of the many dreadful blows aimed from time to
time at religion by the public authority. You have seen the
sanctity and inviolability of Christian marriage outraged by
legislative acts in formal contradiction with them; the
schools and hospitals laicised; clerics torn from their
studies and from ecclesiastical discipline to be subjected to
military service; the religious congregations dispersed and
despoiled, and their members for the most part reduced to the
last stage of destitution. Other legal measures which you all
know have followed—the law ordaining public prayers at the
beginning of each Parliamentary session and of the assizes has
been abolished; the signs of mourning traditionally observed
on board the ships on Good Friday suppressed; the religious
character effaced from the judicial oath; all actions and
emblems serving in any way to recall the idea of religion
banished from the courts, the schools, the army, the navy,
and, in a word, from all public establishments. These measures
and others still which, one after another, really separated
the Church from the State, were but so many steps designedly
made to arrive at complete and official separation, as the
authors of them have publicly and frequently admitted.
"On the other hand, the Holy See has spared absolutely no
means to avert this great calamity. While it was untiring in
warning those who were at the head of affairs in France, and
in conjuring them over and over again to weigh well the
immensity of the evils that would infallibly result from their
separatist policy, it at the same time lavished upon France
the most striking proofs of indulgent affection. It had then
reason to hope that gratitude would have stayed those
politicians on their downward path, and brought them at last
to relinquish their designs. But all has been in vain—the
attentions, good offices and efforts of our predecessor and
ourself. The enemies of religion have succeeded at last in
effecting by violence what they have long desired, in defiance
of your rights as a Catholic nation and of the wishes of all
who think rightly. …
"That the State must be separated from the Church is a thesis
absolutely false, a most pernicious error. Based, as it is, on
the principle that the State must not recognize any religious
cult, it is in the first place guilty of a great injustice to
God; for the Creator of man is also the founder of human
societies, and preserves their existence as He preserves our
own. We owe Him, therefore, not only a private cult, but a
public and social worship to honor Him. Besides, it is an
obvious negation of the supernatural order. It limits the
action of the State to the pursuit of public prosperity during
this life only, which is but the proximate object of political
societies; and it occupies itself in no fashion (on the plea
that this is foreign to it) with their ultimate object, which
is man’s eternal happiness after this short life shall have
run its course. …
"When the State broke the bonds of the Concordat and separated
itself from the Church it ought, as a natural consequence, to
have left her her independence and allowed her to enjoy
peacefully that liberty granted by the common law which it
pretended to assign to her. Nothing of the kind has been done.
We recognize in the law many exceptional and odiously
restrictive provisions, the effect of which is to place the
Church under the domination of the civil power. …
"With the existence of the association of worship, the Law of
Separation hinders the pastors from exercising the plenitude
of their authority and of their office over the faithful, when
it attributes to the Council of State supreme jurisdiction
over these associations and submits them to a whole series of
prescriptions not contained in common law, rendering their
formation difficult and their continued existence more
difficult still; when, after proclaiming the liberty of public
worship, it proceeds to restrict its exercise by numerous
exceptions; when it despoils the Church of the internal
regulation of the churches in order to invest the State with
this function; when it thwarts the preaching of Catholic faith
and morals and sets up a severe and exceptional penal code for
clerics—when it sanctions all these provisions and many others
of the same kind in which wide scope is left to arbitrary
ruling, does it not place the Church in a position of
humiliating subjection and, under the pretext of protecting
public order, deprive peaceable citizens, who still constitute
the vast majority in France, of the sacred right of practising
their religion? …
"In addition to the wrongs and injuries to which we have so
far referred, the Law of Separation also violates and tramples
under foot the rights of property of the Church. In defiance
of all justice, it despoils the Church of a great portion of a
patrimony which belongs to her by titles as numerous as they
are sacred; it suppresses and annuls all the pious foundations
consecrated, with perfect legality, to divine worship and to
suffrages for the dead. The resources furnished by Catholic
liberality for the maintenance of Catholic schools, and the
working of various charitable associations connected with
religion, have been transferred to lay associations in which
it would be idle to seek for a vestige of religion. In this it
violates not only the rights of the Church, but the formal and
explicit purpose of the donors and testators. It is also a
subject of keen grief to us that the law, in contempt of all
right, proclaims as property of the State, departments or
communes, the ecclesiastical edifices dating from before the
Concordat. True, the law concedes the gratuitous use of them
for an indefinite period, to the associations of worship, but
it surrounds the concession with so many and so serious
reserves that in reality it leaves to the public powers the
full disposition of them. Moreover, we entertain the gravest
fears for the sanctity of those temples, the august refuges of
the Divine Majesty and endeared by a thousand memories to the
piety of the French people. …
{474}
"Hence, mindful of our Apostolic charge and conscious of the
imperious duty incumbent upon us of defending and preserving
against all assaults the full and absolute integrity of the
sacred and inviolable rights of the Church, we do, by virtue
of the supreme authority which God has confided to us, and on
the grounds above set forth, reprove and condemn the law voted
in France for the separation of Church and State as deeply
unjust to God, whom it denies, and as laying down the
principle that the Republic recognizes no cult. We reprove and
condemn it as violating the natural law, the law of nations,
and fidelity to treaties; as contrary to the Divine
constitution of the Church, to her essential rights and to her
liberty; as destroying justice and trampling under foot the
rights of property which the Church has acquired by many
titles, and, in addition, by virtue of the Concordat. We
reprove and condemn it as gravely offensive to the dignity of
this Apostolic See, to our own person, to the Episcopacy and
to the clergy and all the Catholics of France. Therefore, we
protest solemnly and with all our strength against the
introduction, the voting and the promulgation of this law,
declaring that it can never be alleged against the
imprescriptible rights of the Church."
Pope Pius X.,
Encyclical Letter
(American Catholic Quarterly Review, April, 1906).
PAPACY: A. D. 1906.
Commands forbidding French Catholics to conform to the
Separation Law or the Associations Law.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
PAPACY: A. D. 1906.
Pacific Relations between State and Church in Mexico.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (March).
Declaration of the new French Ministry on
the Church Separation Law.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906 (JANUARY-MARCH).
PAPACY: A. D. 1906-1907.
The Separation of Church and State in France.
Further Measures and Proceedings.
The Encyclical Gravissimo.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906-1907.
PAPACY: A. D. 1907.
Effects of the Separation Law in France.
The Catholics lose all Legal Organization.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
PAPACY: A. D. 1907 (September).
Mandates of the Encyclical on Modernism.
The following passages contain the essential mandates of the
Encyclical on Modernism, issued on the 8th of September, 1907:
"The office divinely committed to us of feeding the Lord’s
flock has especially this duty assigned to it by Christ,
namely, to guard with the greatest vigilance the deposit of
the faith delivered to the saints, rejecting the profane
novelties of words and oppositions of knowledge falsely so
called. There has never been a time when this watchfulness of
the supreme pastor was not necessary to the Catholic body;
for, owing to the efforts of the enemy of the human race,
there have never been lacking ‘men speaking perverse things’
(Acts xx., 30), ‘vain talkers and seducers’ (Tit. i., 10),
‘erring and driving into error’ (II. Tim. iii., 13). Still, it
must be confessed that the number of the enemies of the
cross of Christ has in these last days increased exceedingly,
who are striving, by arts entirely new and full of subtlety,
to destroy the vital energy of the Church, and, if they can,
to overthrow utterly Christ’s kingdom itself. Wherefore we may
no longer be silent, lest we should seem to fail in our most
sacred duty, and lest the kindness that, in the hope of wiser
counsels, we have hitherto shown them should be attributed to
forgetfulness of our office.
"That we may make no delay in this matter is rendered
necessary especially by the fact that the partisans of error
are to be sought not only among the Church’s open enemies;
they lie hid, a thing to be deeply deplored and feared, in her
very bosom and heart, and are the more mischievous the less
conspicuously they appear. We allude, venerable brethren, to
many who belong to the Catholic laity, nay, and this is far
more lamentable, to the ranks of the priesthood itself, who,
feigning a love for the Church, lacking the firm protection of
philosophy and theology, nay, more, thoroughly imbued with the
poisonous doctrines taught by the enemies of the Church, and
lost to all sense of modesty, vaunt themselves as reformers, …
not sparing even the person of the Divine Redeemer, whom, with
sacrilegious daring, they reduce to a simple, mere man.
"Though they express astonishment themselves, no one can
justly be surprised that we number such men among the enemies
of the Church, if, leaving out of consideration the internal
disposition of soul, of which God alone is the judge, he is
acquainted with their tenets, their manner of speech, their
conduct. Nor, indeed, will He err in accounting them the most
pernicious of all the adversaries of the Church. For, as we
have said, they put their designs for her ruin into operation
not from without, but from within; hence the danger is present
almost in the very veins and heart of the Church, whose injury
is the more certain, the more intimate is their knowledge of
her. Moreover, they lay the axe not to the branches and
shoots, but to the very root; that is, to the faith and its
deepest fibres. And having struck at this root of immortality,
they proceed to disseminate poison through the whole tree, so
that there is no part of Catholic truth from which they hold
their hand, none that they do not strive to corrupt. Further,
none is more skilful, none more astute than they in the
employment of a thousand noxious arts; for they double the
parts of rationalist and Catholic, and this so craftily that
they easily lead the unwary into error; and since audacity is
their chief characteristic, there is no conclusion of any kind
from which they shrink or which they do not thrust forward
with pertinacity and assurance. To this must be added the
fact, which indeed is well calculated to deceive souls, that
they lead a life of the greatest activity of assiduous and
ardent application to every branch of learning, and that they
possess, as a rule, a reputation for the strictest morality.
Finally, and this almost destroys all hope of cure, their very
doctrines have given such a bent to their minds that they
disdain all authority and brook no restraint; and, relying
upon a false conscience, they attempt to ascribe to a love of
truth that which is in reality the result of pride and
obstinacy.
{475}
"Once, indeed, we had hopes of recalling them to a better
sense, and to this end we first of all showed them kindness as
our children, then we treated them with severity, and at last
we have had recourse, though with great reluctance, to public
reproof. But, you know, venerable brethren, how fruitless has
been our action. They bowed their head for a moment, but it
was soon uplifted more arrogantly than ever. If it were a
matter which concerned them alone, we might perhaps have
overlooked it; but the security of the Catholic name is at
stake. Wherefore, as to maintain it longer would be a crime,
we must now break silence, in order to expose before the whole
Church in their true colors those men who have assumed this
bad disguise.
"But since the modernists (as they are commonly and rightly
called) employ a very clever artifice, namely, to present
their doctrines without order and systematic arrangement into
one whole, scattered and disjointed one from another, so as to
appear to be in doubt and uncertainty, while they are in
reality firm and steadfast, it will be of advantage, venerable
brethren, to bring their teachings together here into one
group, and to point out the connection between them, and thus
to pass to an examination of the sources of the errors and to
prescribe remedies for averting the evil. …
"Against this host of grave errors, and its secret and open
advance, our predecessor, Leo XIII., of happy memory, worked
strenuously, especially as regards the Bible, both in his
words and his acts. But, as we have seen, the modernists are
not easily deterred by such weapons; with an affectation of
submission and respect they proceeded to twist the words of
the Pontiff to their own sense, and his acts they described as
directed against others than themselves. And the evil has gone
on increasing from day to day. We therefore, venerable
brethren, have determined to adopt at once the most
efficacious measure in our power, and we beg and conjure you
to see to it that in this most grave matter nobody will ever
be able to say that you have been in the slightest degree
wanting in vigilance, zeal or firmness. And what we ask of you
and expect of you we ask and expect also of all other pastors
of souls, of all educators and professors of clerics, and in a
very special way of the superiors of religious institutions.
"I.
In the first place, with regard to studies, we will and ordain
that scholastic philosophy be made the basis of the sacred
sciences, it goes without saying that if anything is met with
among the scholastic doctors which may be regarded as an
excess of subtlety, or which is altogether destitute of
probability, we have no desire whatever to propose it for the
imitation of present generations (Leo XIII. Enc. ‘Aeterni
Patris’). And let it be clearly understood above all things
that the scholastic philosophy we prescribe is that which the
Angelic Doctor has bequeathed to us, and we, therefore,
declare that all the ordinances of our predecessor on this
subject continue fully in force, and, as far as may be
necessary, we do decree anew and confirm and ordain that they
be by all strictly observed. In seminaries where they may have
been neglected let the Bishops impose them and require their
observance, and let this apply also to the superiors of
religious institutions. Further, let professors remember that
they cannot set St. Thomas aside, especially in metaphysical
questions, without grave detriment.
"On this philosophical foundation the theological edifice is
to be solidly raised. Promote the study of theology, venerable
brethren, by all means in your power, so that your clerics on
leaving the seminaries may admire and love it, and always find
their delight in it. For in the vast and varied abundance of
studies opening before the mind desirous of truth everybody
knows how the old maxim describes theology as so far in front
of all others that every science and art should serve it and
be to it as handmaidens. …
"With regard to profane studies, suffice it to recall here
what our predecessor has admirably said: ‘Apply yourselves
energetically to the study of natural sciences: the brilliant
discoveries and the bold and useful applications of them made
in our times, which have won such applause by our
contemporaries, will be an object of perpetual praise for
those that come after us’ (Leo XIII. Alloc., March 7, 1880).
But this do without interference with sacred studies, as our
predecessor in these most grave words prescribed: ‘If you
carefully search for the cause of these errors, you will find
that it lies in the fact that in these days, when the natural
sciences absorb so much study, the more severe and lofty
studies have been proportionately neglected; some of them have
almost passed into oblivion, some of them are pursued in a
half-hearted or superficial way, and, sad to say, now that
they are fallen from their old estate, they have been
disfigured by perverse doctrines and monstrous errors (loco
cit.). We ordain, therefore, that the study of natural
science in the seminaries be carried on under this law.’
"II.
All these prescriptions and those of our predecessor are to be
borne in mind whenever there is question of choosing directors
and professors for seminaries and Catholic Universities.
Anybody who in any way is found to be imbued with modernism is
to be excluded without compunction from these offices, and
those who already occupy them are to be withdrawn. The same
policy is to be adopted towards those who favor modernism,
either by extolling the modernists, or excusing their culpable
conduct, by criticizing scholasticism, the Holy Father, or by
refusing obedience to ecclesiastical authority in any of its
depositories; and towards those who show a love of novelty in
history, archaeology, Biblical exegesis, and finally towards
those who neglect the sacred sciences or appear to prefer them
to the profane. In all this question of studies, venerable
brethren, you cannot be too watchful or too constant, but most
of all in the choice of professors, for as a rule the students
are modeled after the pattern of their masters. Strong in the
consciousness of your duty, act always prudently, but
vigorously.
"Equal diligence and severity are to be used in examining and
selecting candidates for holy orders. Far, far from the clergy
be the love of novelty. God hates the proud and the obstinate.
For the future the doctorate of theology and canon law must
never be conferred on anybody who has not made the regular
course of scholastic philosophy, if conferred, it shall be
held as null and void. The rules laid down in 1896 by the
Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars for the clerics,
both secular and regular, of Italy, concerning the frequenting
of the universities, we now decree to be extended to all
nations. Clerics and priests inscribed in a Catholic institute
or university must not in the future follow in civil
universities those courses for which there are chairs in the
Catholic institutes to which they belong. If this has been
permitted anywhere in the past, we ordain that it be not
allowed for the future. Let the Bishops who form the governing
board of such Catholic institutes or universities watch with
all care that these our commands be constantly observed.
{476}
"III.
It is also the duty of the Bishops to prevent writings
infected with modernism or favorable to it from being read
when they have been published, and to hinder their publication
when they have not. No book or paper or periodical of this
kind must ever be permitted to seminarists or university
students. The injury to them would be equal to that caused by
immoral reading—nay, it would be greater, for such writings
poison Christian life at its very fount. The same decision is
to be taken concerning the writings of some Catholics, who,
though not badly disposed themselves, but ill instructed in
theological studies and imbued with modern philosophy, strive
to make this harmonize with the faith, and, as they say, to
turn it to the account of the faith. The name and reputation
of these authors cause them to be read without suspicion, and
they are, therefore, all the more dangerous in preparing the
way for modernism.
"To give you some more general directions, venerable brethren,
in a matter of such moment, we bid you do everything in your
power to drive out of your dioceses, even by solemn interdict,
any pernicious books that may be in circulation there. …
"IV.
But it is not enough to hinder the reading and the sale of bad
books: it is also necessary to prevent them from being
printed. Hence, let the Bishops use the utmost severity in
granting permission to print. Under the rules of the
Constitution ‘Officiorum,’ many publications require the
authorization of the ordinary, and in some dioceses it has
been made the custom to have a suitable number of official
censors for the examination of writings. We have the highest
praise for this institution, and we not only exhort, but we
order that it be extended to all dioceses."
Pope Pius X.,
The Doctrines of the Modernists
(American Catholic Quarterly Review, October, 1907).
See (in this Volume)
TYRREL, FATHER GEORGE.
PAPACY: A. D. 1907-1909.
Revision of St. Jerome’s Latin Translation of the Bible,
known as "the Vulgate."
"In May, 1907, an announcement was made of the Pope's
intention to revise the Latin Bible, and the work has already
made such progress that the time has come to record not only
the main lines upon which the revision is being carried out
but also the actual completion of its preliminary
preparations. … Pius X. … offered the honourable though costly
and arduous task to the learned Order of the Benedictines, by
whom it was accepted. A commission of revision was appointed,
with Abbot Gasquet, the President of the English Benedictines,
as its head, and the International College of the Order at San
Anselmo in Rome was chosen as the headquarters of their work.
It is here that Abbot Gasquet and his fellow-workers have
already made a good start upon the vast labour which their
Order has undertaken.
"The object of the Commission, according to the Pope’s
definite instructions, is to determine and restore as far as
possible the original text of St. Jerome’s Latin translation
made in the fourth century. How far St. Jerome’s translation
represents the Hebrew or Greek is another question which may
be the subject some day for future criticism and another
commission. … Pius X. has made it clear to the Commission that
he desires their work of revision to be conducted on the most
modern and scientific lines, and that neither money nor labour
should be spared to make it as thorough as possible. An
exhaustive search will be made through all the libraries of
Europe in the hope of finding hitherto unrecognized
manuscripts of the Vulgate. Already there are 15 collaborators
at work in different centres, collating the best-known and most
important manuscripts with the Clementine text, while another
commission, with its assistants, is making a thorough
examination of the libraries and cathedral archives of Spain
in search of fresh material. …
"The method of work is as follows. For the purpose of
collation copies of the Clementine text have been printed;
each page being left blank for two-thirds of its surface, the
text being printed on the remaining third with no capital
letters, no stops, no word divided, so as to resemble
manuscript as far as possible. When a reviser wishes to
collate any manuscript he has only to correct this print like
an ordinary proof-sheet and so reproduce every difference of
the manuscript before him.
"The printing of these copies of the Vulgate, which are to
form the basis of the collations, with the preparation of the
texts and correction of proofs—no light matter—has been the
work of the first year. Three hundred and sixty copies have
been printed in all, one hundred upon the best hand-made
paper, two hundred upon ordinary book paper, and sixty upon
thin paper for the purpose of postage abroad. The Pope himself
has defrayed the rather heavy cost of this production. Besides
the printing of this Bible considerable progress has been made
during the past year with the preparation of a hand list of
all the Latin Biblical MSS. in the libraries of Europe, which,
when completed, will be of great use to the revisers. As the
collators finish their work in the various libraries or
archives where Biblical manuscripts are found, they send their
annotated copies to San Anselmo, where they are bound up and
added to a collection which, when complete, will form a vast
library of all the different versions of the Bible. Seven
important collations have already been made, and at the
present rate of work the number of these Volumes will increase
very rapidly."
Rome Correspondence of the London Times,
July 21, 1909.
PAPACY: A. D. 1908.
The new Apostolic Constitution of the Curia.
A change of far-reaching and great importance in the
ecclesiastical constitution of the Roman Church was decreed by
Pope Pius X. this year, by the promulgation of a new Apostolic
Constitution of the Curia. It reorganized the numerous
Congregations or departments of the Vatican Government which
had exercised the judicial functions of the Curia for some
generations past. The Pope now restores these functions to an
ancient ecclesiastical court, the Rota, which had fallen out
of use. The Rota is constituted as an international court,
before which questions between priest and bishop, bishop and
diocese, and the like, will have their hearing, and from which
there is appeal to a tribunal of last resort, the Segnatura,
composed of Cardinals alone.
{477}
The reorganization of the Congregation of the Propaganda by
this new Constitution removes from that body the
ecclesiastical jurisdiction it has exercised heretofore over
the Church in Great Britain, Holland, the United States,
Canada, and some other countries, thus taking them out of the
Roman category of missionary lands.
PAPACY: A. D. 1908.
The situation of the Church in France.
No Organization that can hold Property.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1908.
PAPACY: A. D. 1909.
Increased Participation by Catholics in the Italian Elections.
Their Gain of Seats in Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).
PAPACY: A. D. 1909.
Church Movement of Agricultural Labor Organization.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.
PAPACY: A. D. 1909.
Demonstration against the Religious Orders in Portugal.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.
PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (April).
The Beatification of Joan of Arc.
The ceremony of the Beatification of Joan of Arc was performed
at St. Peter’s, in Rome, on the 18th of April, 1909.
Proceedings which began about ten years before were brought by
this ceremony to the end of their first stage, beyond which
they must still be continued for possibly many years, before
the Canonization of "the Maid" as a Saint becomes complete.
The question of the Beatification had been under consideration
in the Congregation of Rites for several years. The grounds on
which that question is decided, in every case, were explained
by The Catholic Union and Times, in connection with its
account of the ceremony now referred to, as follows: The
Congregation of Rites "may decide that the life of the person
was a very worthy and very holy one, but they require much
more than that. It must be proved to their satisfaction that
‘miracles’ have been performed. The Congregation of Rites
requires evidence of not fewer than three miracles. In the
case of ‘miraculous cures’ it must be shown that doctors have
pronounced the cases hopeless, or that diseases have been
cured which doctors call incurable. Usually the report
contains particulars of a number of ‘miracles,’ from which the
Congregation of Rites may make a selection. The three chosen
among those attributed to Joan of Arc relate to the curing of
nuns belonging to different communities, who are said to have
obtained relief from their diseases by her intercession. One
of these nuns had suffered for years from cancer and was on
the point of death when, it was claimed, she was instantly
cured by a prayer of Joan of Arc. When the Congregation of
Rites has been satisfied as to the authenticity of three
miracles they prepare their report, which is submitted to the
Pope, who considers it. There is then a gathering at the
Vatican, to which the public is admitted. Cardinals and
bishops are present, and a lawyer of the papal court reads out
the decision. After this, the ceremony of beatification
generally takes place within a few months."
In January, 1910, it was announced in Paris that the
ecclesiastical process for the Canonization would begin on
February 9.
PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (May).
Vote in British House of Commons for removal of remaining
Catholic Disabilities.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D). 1909 (MAY).
----------PAPACY: End--------
PAPER TRUST.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES:
A. D. 1901-1906, and 1909.
PARAGUAY: A. D. 1901-1906.
Participation in Second and Third International
Conferences of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902.
A nearly bloodless Revolution.
Deposition of President Aceval.
Elevation of the Vice-President.
The following, translated from the Montevideo (Uruguay)
Dia, of January 10, 1902, appears in the annual report
of "Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
States," 1902, as transmitted by the United States Minister to
Uruguay, and is probably an authentic account of the
revolution described:
"Yesterday, at 10 o'clock in the morning, a revolutionary
movement occurred in Asuncion del Paraguay, without bloodshed,
without noise of arms, which immediately resulted in the
imprisonment of the President of the Republic, Dr. Emilio
Aceval, in the artillery barracks. A strange case—the chief
magistrate of Paraguay has fallen, at least for the moment, on
account of a revolution, inspired and carried into practice by
two of his own ministers, Colonel Juan Antonio Escurra and
Señor Fulgencio Moreno, who, although belonging to the same
Colorado party as the President, differ in opinion at present,
the former considering that a radical policy should be adopted
against the liberals or civic accordists, Dr. Aceval not
sharing this opinion, but being in favor of conciliatory
measures, although this did not win for him the help of his
traditional adversaries, who looked unfavorably on him, as is
usually the way with those belonging to an opposite party."
In his note transmitting Montevideo newspaper reports,
Minister Finch wrote of the occurrence: "It was, as will be
seen, a bloodless affair; but out of it grew a discussion in
the Paraguay Congress which was followed by shooting, one
person being killed and several wounded."

PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.
Successful Revolution.
The beginning of a successful revolution was reported to
Washington by the American Consul at Asuncion, in a despatch
dated August 11, 1904, as follows: "I beg to confirm my
telegram of to-day, stating that a revolution has broken out
in this republic. … Revolutionary forces on the river and
those of the Government have fought. … The Government forces
were defeated, the Minister of the Interior, who led the
forces, being taken prisoner. The state of siege as declared …
places the entire country under military laws, and the
Government, is amassing a large number of troops to suppress
the revolution. It is impossible at present to say whether it
will be of long or short duration. The revolutionary forces
are proceeding up the river in boats, and the Government has
placed or erected defenses along the river near the capital.
{478}
"Upon inquiries as to the cause of this revolution I am
informed that the opposition to the Government is that the
party in power is endeavoring to exclude entirely the liberal
element from participation in the administration of affairs,
assigning that said party, which is in power, which is
denominated ‘Colorados,’ have not sufficient persons prepared
for the administration of the Government. On the other hand,
the ‘Colorados’ assign that the revolution is due to ambitious
persons who form an opposition and are classed under the name
‘Azul,’ colorados meaning ‘reds’ and azul ‘blues.’"
It was not until four months later that the Consul could
announce the return of peace, secured by the triumph of the
revolution. The president, Colonel Ezcurra, was compelled to
resign, and Señor Juan Gauna was elected in his place; the
army was reorganized; a general amnesty was proclaimed.
PARDO, PRESIDENT JOSE.
See (in this Volume)
PERU.
PARKER, Alton B.:
Nominated for President of the United States.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).
PARKER, Edward Wheeler:
On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.
PAROLE SYSTEM.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
PARSONS, CHARLES A.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.
PARTIES:
Agrarian Socialists.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
PARTIES:
Anti-Revolutionnaire.
See (in this Volume)
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.
PARTIES:
Azul.
See (in this Volume)
PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.
PARTIES:
Blues (Conservatives).
See (in this Volume)
COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.
PARTIES:
Boshin Club.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
PARTIES:
Cadets.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
PARTIES:
Catholic Peoples’ Party.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.
PARTIES:
Center, or Centrum.
See
GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
PARTIES:
Centro Catolico.
SEE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
PARTIES:
Christian Workmen.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
PARTIES:
Christlijk.
See (in this Volume)
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.
PARTIES:
Civilistas.
See (in this Volume)
PERU.
PARTIES:
Clerical.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1903, and 1906;
BELGIUM: A. D. 1904;
GERMANY: A. D. 1906, and 1908-1909.
PARTIES:
Colorados.
See (in this Volume)
PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902, and 1904.
PARTIES:
Confederates.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).
PARTIES:
Conservatives.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1906, and 1908-1909.
PARTIES:
Conservative-Unionist.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1909 (April-December), and 1910.
PARTIES:
Continental.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
AND 1908 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).
PARTIES:
Constitutional Democrats.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
PARTIES:
Daido Club.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
PARTIES:
Democratas.
See (in this Volume)
PERU.
PARTIES:
Democratic.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES; A. D. 1904 (MAY-NOVEMBER),
and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
PARTIES:
Democristiana.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.
PARTIES:
Democratique and Gauche Democratique.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
PARTIES:
Doshi-shukai.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).
PARTIES:
Fabian Society.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
PARTIES:
Fedakiarans.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
PARTIES:
Federal Party, Filipino.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901, and 1907.
PARTIES:
Free Traders.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
PARTIES:
Independents.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
PARTIES:
Independent Labor.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
PARTIES:
Independistas.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
PARTIES:
Inmediatistas.
See (in this Volume)
Philippine Islands: A. D. 1907.
PARTIES:
Intransigentes.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
PARTIES:
Kossuth Party, or Independence Party.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.
PARTIES:
Labor Party.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904, and after;
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903, and 1905-1906; also
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.
PARTIES:
League of Liberation.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
PARTIES:
Liberal-Conservative Separatist.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.
PARTIES:
Liberals.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906, and after;
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER), and 1910;
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).
PARTIES:
Miguelistas.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.
PARTIES:
Moderates.
See (in this Volume)
LONDON: A. D. 1909 (March);
DENMARK: A. D. 1901, and
CUBA: A. D. 1906, and after.
PARTIES:
Moderate Republicans.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).
PARTIES:
Nacionalistas.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
PARTIES:
National Liberty.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER ).
PARTIES:
Nationalists.
See (in this Volume)
France: A. D. 1906.
PARTIES:
Octobrists.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
PARTIES:
Old Finns.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
PARTIES:
Peoples, or Populist.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
PARTIES:
Progresistas.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907,
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
PARTIES:
Progressists.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906;
JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
PARTIES:
Progressives.
See (in this Volume)
LONDON: A. D. 1909 (MARCH);
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.
PARTIES:
Prohibition.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
PARTIES:
Protectionists.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A.D. 1903-1904, and after.
PARTIES:
Radicals and Radical Socialists.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
PARTIES:
Ralliés.
See (in this Volume)
RALLIÉS.
PARTIES:
Regeneradors.
See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
PARTIES:
Republican.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MAY-NOVEMBER),
and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
PARTIES:
Rikken Seiyu-kai, or Seiyu-kai.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1902 (AUGUST); 1903 (JUNE), and 1909;
See in Volume VI.,
JAPAN: A. D. 1900.
PARTIES:
Sinn Fein.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D 1905.
{479}
PARTIES:
Social Democrats.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA A. D. 1905-1907;
GERMANY: A. D. 1903;
DENMARK: A. D. 1906;
SOCIALISM: GERMANY,
SOCIALISM: FRANCE,
SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.
PARTIES:
Social Revolutionists.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
PARTIES:
Socialist, and Socialist Labor.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).
PARTIES:
Socialists, Radical.
Socialists, Independent.
Socialists Unified.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
PARTIES:
Sons of Liberal Ottomans.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).
PARTIES:
Union Republicaine.
See (in this Volume)
France: A. D. 1906.
PARTIES:
Yellows (Liberals).
See (in this Volume)
COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.
PARTIES:
Young Egypt.
See (in this Volume)
EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).
PARTIES:
Young Finns.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
PARTIES:
Young Turks.
See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).
PARTIES:
Yushin-kai.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
PARTIES:
Zayistas.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.
PARTY REFORMS, Political.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.
PASSAY, FREDERIC.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
PASSIONISTS:
Forbidden to Teach in France.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
"PASSIVE RESISTANCE," OF ENGLISH NONCONFORMISTS TO THE
EDUCATION ACT OF 1902.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902, AND 1909 (MAY).
PASTEUR, Louis:
Pronounced by Popular Vote to be the Greatest Frenchman
of the Nineteenth Century.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.
PATENTS OF INVENTION: GREAT BRITAIN: A. D. 1907.
Patents and Designs Act.
A requirement of the manufacture of patented articles in the
United Kingdom, introduced in an Act of the British Parliament
passed and approved in August, 1907, which came into force
August 28, 1908, seriously changed the operation of patents
issued to foreigners. It is contained in the following
sections:
"27.—(1) At any time not less than four years after the date
of a patent and not less than one year after the passing of
this Act, any person may apply to the comptroller for the
revocation of the patent on the ground that the patented
article or process is manufactured or carried on exclusively
or mainly outside the United Kingdom.
"(2) The comptroller shall consider the application, and, if
after enquiry he is satisfied that the allegations contained
therein are correct, then, subject to the provisions of this
section, and unless the patentee proves that the patented
article or process is manufactured or carried on to an
adequate extent in the United Kingdom, or gives satisfactory
reasons why the article or process is not so manufactured or
carried on, the comptroller may make an order revoking the
patent either—(a) forthwith; or (b) after such reasonable
interval as may be specified in the order, unless in the
meantime it is shown to his satisfaction that the patented
article or process is manufactured or carried on within the
United Kingdom to an adequate extent: Provided that no such
order shall be made which is at variance with any treaty,
convention, arrangement, or engagement with any foreign
country or British possession.
"(3) If within the time limited in the order the patented
article or process is not manufactured or carried on within
the United Kingdom to an adequate extent, but the patentee
gives satisfactory reasons why it is not so manufactured or
carried on, the comptroller may extend the period mentioned in
the previous order for such period not exceeding twelve months
as may be specified in the subsequent order.
"(4) Any decision of the comptroller under this section shall
be subject to appeal to the court, and on any such appeal the
law officer or such other counsel as he may appoint shall be
entitled to appear and be heard."
Twelve months after the Act became effective the London
Times gave the following account of its working:
"During the year which has elapsed since Section 27 came into
force, 69 applications for revocation of foreign patents have
been made to the Comptroller-General. In 10 cases only were
patents revoked by that official. In four of these cases the
patentees appealed to the High Court, and in two cases
relating to improvements in electric arc lamps, the decision
of the Comptroller-General was reversed, evidence having been
adduced which was not placed before the Comptroller-General,
the effect of which was to show that the patented process was
being adequately carried on in this country. The two other
appeals to the High Court were unsuccessful, so that the
number of patents finally revoked was eight. Those revoked
related to the following articles or processes:—Artificial
stone slabs and tiles (two patents), sewing-machines,
umbrellas, adhesive stays or fastening straps used in
box-making, the lubrication of gig-mills, a steam motor-car,
and locks. In another case, that of a patent connected with
the manufacture of china clay, the Comptroller-General made a
conditional order of revocation.
"It is too early, as yet, to say whether this new power of
revocation conferred by the Act of 1907 is likely to have any
appreciable effect in reducing the number of foreign patents
taken out in this country. In the first seven months of this
year there were 17,869 such patents applied for—an increase of
1566 as compared with the corresponding period of 1908, though
only an increase of 319 upon the larger figures for the first
seven months of 1907. Sixteen fewer patents were taken out in
1909 by American subjects than in 1908, and 331 fewer than in
1907. The decrease in German patents has been consistent—2000
in 1907, 1822 in 1908, and 1735 in 1909, and the same may be
said of Austrian patents—253, 234, and 192 respectively.
French patents, which were 620 in 1907 and 670 in 1908,
decreased to 560 in 1909.
PATENTS:
Pan-American Convention.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PAULHAN, M.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.
PAUPERISM.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY.
PAWLOW, Ivan PETROVIE.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
PAYNE, HENRY C.:
Postmaster-General.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.
{480}
PAYNE-ALDRICH TARIFF.
See (in this Volume)
TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.
PEACE.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST.
PEACE, International:
Awards for the Promotion of.
See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.
PEACE CONFERENCE AT THE HAGUE, The Second International.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
PEACE TREATY, BOER-BRITISH.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
PEACE TREATY OF PORTSMOUTH.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).
PEARY, Robert E.:
Exploration and Discovery of the North Pole.
See (in this Volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION: ARCTIC.
PEASANT INSURRECTION IN THE BALTIC PROVINCES.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).
PEASANTRY, CONDITION OF RUSSIAN.
See (in this Volume)
Russia: A. D. 1901-1904, 1902, 1904-1905, 1905, and 1906.
PECANHA, Nilo:
President of Brazil.
See (in this Volume)
BRAZIL: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).
PEKING: A. D. 1902.
Return of the Imperial Court.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1902.
PEKING-KALGAN RAILWAY.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: CHINA.
PELLAGRA.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: PELLAGRA.
PENNA, DR. ALFONSO MOREIRA:
President of Brazil.
See (in this Volume )
BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
PENNA, DR. ALFONSO MOREIRA:
Sudden death.
See (in this Volume)
BRAZIL: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).
PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906.
Reform Legislation.
The popular revolt of 1905 in Philadelphia against the
intolerable rottenness of municipal government under the
dominant party "machine" had prompt effects in the State.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
"When the election, last November, and still more the reports
made by working politicians in the best organized and informed
machine in the land, showed that these classes wanted a
change, the machine and its leaders changed instantly. A
pliant governor was as prompt to call the Legislature in extra
session as he had been to find reasons for the vilest excess
of the political plunderers of the State. The same Legislature
as before met, and in a brief session passed every measure for
which reformers had been asking in vain for twenty-five
years,—two of them in more drastic form than any one had yet
proposed. Save that the Corrupt Practices Act is more precise
and severe than any yet passed, except in Connecticut, and the
separation and protection of the civil service of Philadelphia
more complete than has yet been enacted for an American city,
the new legislation follows the general trend of such measures
in other States."
Review of Reviews,
April, 1906.
PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906-1908.
Frauds in the Construction of the new State Capitol.
On the 4th of October, 1906, the new State House at Harrisburg
was dedicated with imposing ceremonies, honored by the
President of the United States as the principal speaker of the
occasion. The State of Pennsylvania was then indulging more
pride in the supposed honesty and economy with which it had
been built than in the splendor it displayed; for announcement
was made that the Commission charged with the work had saved
about 10 per cent of the $4,000,000 appropriated for it. Very
quickly, however, there came an humiliation of that honorable
pride. Complete accountings showed that, while the naked
structure of the building had cost but $3,600,000, a monstrous
expenditure of more than $9,000,000 for alleged decoration and
furnishing had been added to that sum, by the most audacious
"graft," perhaps, that is recorded, even in the national
history which included the exploits of the Tweed Ring. The
arts of sculpture and painting in the decoration were dealt
with most frugally; but royal emoluments went to gas-fitters
and cabinet makers and their kind,—$2,000,000 for example, for
the equipment of the building with chandeliers. For woodwork
in one suite of rooms, which cost the contractor $16,089 the
State had paid $94,208. For another, he had received $62,486,
on an expenditure by himself of but $6,145.
The investigation of these monstrous frauds, in the fruits of
which many people must have shared, resulted in the arrest of
fourteen men. The arrests were made in September, 1907, and
the accused were released on bail. In the following March four
were convicted of defrauding the State, namely J. H.
Sanderson, a contractor, W. P. Snyder, former Auditor-General
of the State, W. L. Mathues, former State Treasurer, and J. M.
Shumaker, former Superintendent of Public Grounds and
Buildings. The execution of the sentence was suspended pending
an appeal.
Sanderson and Mathues died (of nervous breakdown, it was
said), while the appeal was pending. The conviction of Snyder
and Shumaker was confirmed finally on the 7th of March, 1910,
and their sentence to two years of imprisonment went into
effect. At the same time suits were instituted by the State
against all parties connected with the frauds, to recover some
$5,000,000, estimated to be the amount of plunder taken.
Meantime, seven in all of the alleged participants in the
conspiracy of fraud had died.
PENOLOGY.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME.
PENSIONS, FOR OLD AGE AND INFIRMITY.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.
PENSIONS:
Military.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1902.
PENSIONS:
United States: For Teachers.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
PENSIONS:
For Railway Employees.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: PENSIONS.
PEONAGE:
In the United States.
The following extracts are from three reports of an official
investigation of practices of peonage, conducted by the
Assistant Attorney-General of the United States, Mr. Charles
W. Russell, in 1906-1907:
"Under the criminal law as now in force the offense of peonage
may be defined as causing compulsory service to be rendered by
one man to another on the pretext of having him work out the
amount of a debt, real or claimed. That is Mexican peonage
proper, as defined by our highest court in the Clyatt case
(197 U. S., p. 207). But, as fully explained in my report of
October, 1907, and January, 1908, where there is no
indebtedness either real or claimed, a conspiracy to
cause compulsory service of citizens of the United
States is punishable; and so, also, according to the only
court that has directly passed upon the question, is the
carrying or enticing any person from one place to another in
order that he may be held in compulsory service.
{481}
"I use the words ‘compulsory service’ as equivalent to the
constitutional phrase ‘involuntary servitude’ because the
Supreme Court so treats them in the Clyatt case, and I say
that a mere claim of debt is sufficient because several
inferior courts have so decided, and because in the Clyatt
case the indictment, to which no objection seems to have been
made, alleged a mere claim of indebtedness."
For an illustration of peonage, Mr. Russell cites the
following from evidence produced at the trial of a case
occurring in Alabama which he took part in:
"It was proven that Harlan, the manager, had headquarters at
Lockhart, where the mill was; that in his back yard were kept
what were called bloodhounds—man-trailing dogs; that the
object of keeping these was to send after escaping men; that
they were so used, and men chased and brought back, one of
them tied on the hind part of a buggy; that one of the men,
the Bulgarian Jordmans, was unmercifully kicked and beaten by
Gallagher for wandering off a few yards, his sore shins being
exhibited to the jury as part of the evidence; that by means
of telegraph, railroad, and telephone, a justice of the peace,
and a deputy sheriff, the force of men were hemmed in so that
escape was almost impossible; that the foremen constantly
carried pistols and often made threats; that a rope was placed
around the neck of one foreigner and thrown over a beam as an
object-lesson to others and to frighten him, and that all this
went on systematically'. …
"I have no doubt, from my investigations and experiences, that
the chief support of peonage is the peculiar system of State
laws prevailing in the South, intended evidently to compel
service on the part of the workingman.
"It is hoped that an enlightened self-interest and the demand
for labor made necessary by the expansion of old industries
and the introduction of new will lead to the amendment or
repeal of the State laws which are the chief support of
peonage practices.
"These State laws take various forms and are used in various
ways to uphold peonage and other kinds of involuntary
servitude. Some of them are vagrancy laws, some contract labor
or employment laws, some fraudulent pretense or false promise
laws, and there are divers others. Some few of those in
question, such as absconding debtor laws, labor enticing, and
board-bill laws, were not originally passed to enslave
workmen; but in view of the use to which they are put, need
amendment in order that they cannot be so abused.
"These laws are used to threaten workmen who, having been
defrauded into going to an employer by false reports as to the
conditions of employment and the surroundings, naturally
become dissatisfied as soon as they find how they have been
defrauded. They are used before juries and the local public to
hold the peons up as law-breakers and dishonest persons
seeking to avoid their ‘just obligations’ and to convince
patriotic juries that the defendants accused of peonage should
not be convicted for enforcing, still less for threatening to
enforce, the laws of their State.
"Until we began our work in October, 1906, the chief supply of
peons came from the slums—i. e., foreign quarters of New
York, and from Ellis Island, through the operations of
licensed labor agents of New York. These were reaping a rich
harvest from the price per head for laborers supplied to
employers at a distance, and the temptations to fill all
orders and outdo rival agents by a total disregard of truth
and honesty in dealing with both laborer and employer was too
great for a number of these brokers."
PEPPER, CHARLES M.:
Delegate to Second International Conference of American
Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PERDICARIS, ION:
Ransomed from a Moorish Brigand.
See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.
PEREIRA, JOSE HYGINO DUARTE:
Vice-President of Second International Conference
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PERRY, COMMODORE MATTHEW CALBRAITH:
Monument in Japan to commemorate his Advent there in 1853.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1901 (JULY).
----------PERSIA: Start--------
PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
Beginnings of the Revolutionary Movement,
in the Life of Shah Muzaffer-ed-Din.
The Taking of "Bast," and its effect.
he Extortion of a Constitution and Election of
a Representative Assembly.
Death of the Shah.
The following account of conditions and events which opened,
attended and followed the late constitutional revolution in
Persia have been derived, partly from official correspondence
of the period, between the British Legation at Teheran (or
Tehran) and the Foreign Office at London, as published in Blue
Book Cd. 4581, 1909, and partly from letters and despatches to
the leading journals of London and New York.
The Shah, Muzaffer-ed-Din, who came to the throne in 1896, on
the assassination of his father, Nâsr-ed-Din (see, in Volume
VI. of this work, PERSIA), was credited with a desire to
reform the government of his kingdom, and made considerable
effort to that end in the early years of his reign; but the
adverse forces controlling his court were too strong for him,
and he seems to have yielded to them completely at last. He
was surrounded by a corrupt ring which lived on the spoils of
government, and piled debt upon debt. Under the last of the
Grand Viziers (Atabegs, or Atabeks) who ruled Persia in his
name before the outbreak of revolution, "governments were put
up for sale, grain was hoarded and sold at extortionate
prices, the Government domains were stolen or sold for the
benefit of the conspirators, rich men were summoned to Teheran
(or Tehran) and forced to disgorge large sums of money,
oppression of every sort was countenanced for a consideration;
the property, and even the lives, of all Persian subjects were
at their mercy.
{482}
Finally, there was every reason to believe that a conspiracy
was on foot to dethrone the foolish and impotent Shah and to
oust the Valiahd [heir to the throne]. In their place was to
be put the Shooa-es-Sultaneh, the Shah’s younger son, who was
a by-word even in Persia for extortion and injustice. The
policy of the Atabeg and his friends had thus aroused the
opposition of all classes in Persia: of the few more or less
patriotic statesmen, who knew to what a goal the country was
being led; of the priests, who felt that their old power and
independence would perish with that of their country; and of
the great mass of the population and the mercantile classes,
who were the daily victims of the tyranny of their oppressors.
In December [1905] the storm broke. The Governor of Tehran,
without any just cause, ordered an aged Seyed to be cruelly
beaten. A large number of the prominent Mujteheds took ‘bast’
[refuge] in the shrine of Shah Abdul Azim, near the capital."
The "taking of ‘bast,’" or refuge, in some sanctuary or other
place of protection, is an old Persian mode of political
protest or demonstration, to command attention to public
discontents. In 1848 the chief persons of the Empire had taken
refuge with the English and Russian Legations in order to
obtain the exile of a tyrannical Minister, Mirza Aghassi, and
since then it had been the custom of persons who had
grievances against their own Government to take refuge under
the shelter of a foreign Legation. The "Mujteheds" mentioned
in the above quotation as having resorted to this expedient in
December, are the higher and more influential of the
Mohammedan priests in Persia, distinguished from the Mullahs
or common priests, whose ranks are open to any believer who
can read the Koran and who assumes to interpret its laws.
The Government used vain endeavors of bribery and intimidation
to break up the "bast" at the shrine of Shah Abdul Azim. The
refugees had stirred up the whole country by a published
statement of grievances, appealing to the patriotism of the
people, and the Shah surrendered to the effect produced. He
made promises of a grant of popular representation, and of
administrative reforms. By the end of January a promising
state of affairs seemed to have been brought about. "The
refugees were brought back to Tehran in the Shah’s own
carriages, escorted by an enthusiastic crowd." But dissensions
between the popular leaders and the Mujteheds soon arose. "No
definite step was taken to give effect to the Shah’s promises,
except a vague letter promising Courts of Justice and a new
Code, and the appointment of a Council to consider the whole
question of reforms. In this Council it soon became evident
that the Government could control the leaders of the reform
movement, and that the sympathies of the great Mujteheds were
not heartily with the popular movement. All was outwardly
quiet in Tehran, but in the provinces the people of Shiraz and
Resht had taken violent measures to prevent the reappointment
of the Shah’s sons as their Governors, and the movement in
both cases was successful. In the capital itself the streets
and the bazaars were quiet, but every day sermons were
preached in the mosques, in which, as one of the popular party
said, ‘What we hardly dared to think a year ago was openly
spoken.’ The best-known preacher of Tehran, a Prince of the
Imperial house, preached every Friday against the tyrannies
and corruption of the Government. An order for his expulsion
was issued. The chief Mujteheds, incited by the people,
pressed the Government to withdraw the measure, and the
Government had to yield."
In the middle of May the Shah had a paralytic stroke and was
removed to the country. For some weeks there was a lull in the
popular agitation. Then, early in July, the principal
Mujteheds were roused by the conduct of the Grand Vizier to a
fresh preaching of revolt. On the 11th the Vizier ordered the
arrest of one of the preachers; a crowd of people attempted to
rescue him, and was fired on by the troops. General rioting in
the capital ensued, with victory, for a time, on the side of
the people; but in the end the Government appeared to have won
the day. "The town was in the hands of the troops. The popular
leaders had fled. The Shah was in the hands of their
opponents. For the popular party the outlook was a grave one."
In these circumstances the leaders had recourse again to the
"bast," and this time in a Foreign Legation.
"On the evening of the 9th fifty Mullahs and merchants
appeared at the Legation and took up their quarters for the
night. Their numbers soon increased, and on the 2nd September
there were about 14,000 persons in the Legation garden. Their
conduct was most orderly. The crowd of refugees was organized
by the heads of the guilds, who took measures to prevent any
unauthorized person from entering the Legation grounds. Tents
were put up and regular feeding places and times of feeding
were provided for. The expense was borne by the principal
merchants. No damage of a wilful character was done to the
garden, although, of course, every semblance of a bed was
trampled out of existence, and the trees still bear pious
inscriptions cut in the bark. Colonel Douglas, the Military
Attache, kept watch over the Legation buildings, but no watch
was needed. Discipline and order were maintained by the
refugees themselves.
"The Government sent answers to the popular demands, which
they requested Mr. Grant Duff to read to the people. The
Government communications were received with derision. At last
there appeared to be no other resource than a personal appeal
to the Shah. The people stated firmly that unless their
demands were granted they would remain in the Legation, as it
was their only place of safety, and they maintained that until
the Shah knew what was the real situation their requests would
never receive due consideration. Mr. Grant Duff obtained the
consent of His Majesty’s Government, and announced to the
Minister for Foreign Affairs that he demanded an audience. An
audience was fixed for the 30th July. The audience, however,
never took place. The Commander of several of the Tehran
regiments, on whom the Minister of the Court and the Grand
Vizier chiefly depended, made the fatal announcement that his
troops would not serve against the people, and that they were
on the point of themselves taking refuge in the British
Legation. The Court party yielded. The Sadr Azam [Grand
Vizier] resigned, and the Azad-ul-Mulk, head of the Kajar
tribe [the tribe of the imperial dynasty], proceeded to Kum in
order to inform the refugee Mullahs that the Shah had granted
their demands for a National Assembly and for Courts of
Justice.
{483}
"The chief difficulty which then confronted Mr. Grant Dull was
that the people had entirely lost confidence in their own
Government, and declined to treat with them except through the
British Representative. When the Government made the
announcement of the projected reforms, the people answered
that they would not accept the promise of the Government
unless it was confirmed and guaranteed by the Government of
the King of England. This was naturally impossible. Acting
under instructions, Mr. Grant Duff informed the refugees that
he could do no more for them, and entirely declined to
guarantee the execution of the Shah’s Decrees. The Government
then attempted to come to an arrangement direct. It failed.
The popular leaders rejected the Shah’s Decrees as vague or
inadequate, and where posted up in the city they were torn
down and trampled on. In this extremity the Government again
appealed to Mr. Grant Duff and begged him for his assistance.
At his suggestion a meeting took place at the residence of the
new Grand Vizier, the late Minister for Foreign Affairs,
between the Government and the popular leaders. After a long
discussion, at which Mr. Grant Duff took no part except when
questioned, an agreement was arrived at, and an amended
Rescript published which definitely promised a National
Representative assembly [in the Persian language a Mejlis or
Medjliss] with legislative powers. The Rescript was read out
in the British Legation to the assembled refugees and was
received with enthusiasm. … On the night of the 16th the
Mujteheds returned amid popular plaudits, and on the 18th a
grand meeting was held in the Palace precincts as a sort of
earnest of the National Assembly."
The Court party, however, had only suffered an appearance of
defeat. It spent the next week "in gradually paring down all
the Shah’s promises, and in the production of a Rescript in
which the original project of the Constitution was hardly
recognizable. The late Grand Vizier, who had lingered in the
neighborhood, suddenly returned to his country seat near the
Shah’s residence, and the Shah absolutely refused to sign the
Regulations for the Assembly. The popular excitement was
intense. Notice was served on Mr. Grant Duff that the people
would again take refuge in the Legation, if necessary, by
force. About twenty-five of the leaders actually did take up
their quarters there. It seemed as if the disturbances were
about to break out anew." But now the Russian Minister came
into cooperation with Mr. Grant Duff, in representations to
the Shah that overcame the evil influences by which he was
swayed. Regulations for the election of delegates to the
Assembly were now signed; but fresh difficulties arose from
the refusal of provincial governors to carry them out. These
in turn were overcome and the elections were held. "Meanwhile
it had been decided, in order to avoid delay, that the Tehran
Members of the Council should meet at once, without waiting
for the provincial Delegates, and the first session of the new
Assembly was opened [October 7, 1906] by the Shah himself, in
the presence of the priests, the Court, and the foreign
representatives. … The provincial Members arrived one by one
as they were elected, and as yet there are many vacant places,
the provinces not showing much alacrity in electing their
Members. The Assembly soon showed its power. It refused
absolutely to consent to the Anglo-Russian advance [of a
preferred loan] on the ground that the public revenues ought
not to be pledged to foreigners. It announced its intention of
instituting reforms, especially in the finances of the
country, and of providing itself the necessary funds for
carrying on the Government by founding and endowing a National
Bank. But, before taking any steps of this nature, it insisted
on having a signed Constitution. A Committee was nominated to
consider the terms of the Constitution, and, in consultation
with a Committee named by the Government, a Constitution was
drawn up and submitted to the Chamber." It did not satisfy the
popular demand and scenes of confusion followed; but in the
end it was amended and approved, and, on the 1st of January,
1907, the important instrument, ratified by the Shah and by
the Valiahd—the heir to the crown—was delivered to the
Assembly and received with joy. One week later, on the 8th of
January, the Shah died.
The text of the Constitution, as translated for communication
to the British Government, is given in this Volume under the
heading—CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.
PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (January-September).
The new Shah, Mohammed Ali.
His evil surroundings.
Hostility between him and the Assembly.
Prime Ministry of Atabeg-i-Azam.
The Government without money.
Inaction of the Assembly.
Discouragement of the Atabeg.
His assassination.
The new Shah, who assumed the crown under the name or title of
Mohammed Ali Shah, professed acquiescence in the
constitutional change which the nation had forced his father
to accept; but those who knew him appear to have expected that
he would act a perfidious part. That improved conditions in
the country were far from settled became apparent very soon.
As early as the 30th of January, Sir C. Spring-Rice, who had
succeeded Mr. Grant Duff as the diplomatic representative of
Great Britain, wrote to his Government: "I regret to state
that the prospects of a good understanding between the Shah
and the popular party are still remote. The entourage of the Shah, especially his father-in-law, the
Naib-es-Sultaneh, is personally interested in the continuance
of the existing abuses; and their influence has certainly made
itself felt to a regrettable extent, and has led to increasing
agitation against the Shah himself. On the other hand the
action of the popular Assembly has not been such as to lead to
conciliation."
The precariousness of the situation in the country, the
paralysis of government and the prevalence of disorder during
a number of months following, may be indicated sufficiently by
a few passages from the despatches of Sir C. Spring-Rice and
Mr. Charles M. Marling, Charge d’Affaires to the British
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Grey:
{484}
February 27, 1907. "It is clear that a national movement of a semi-political and
semi-religious character does exist and is spreading. The
great Mujteheds of Kerbela are now entering on the scene, and
delegates are being sent out from the capital to the provinces
to preach the principles of liberty. Patriotism, of a
distinctive Persian type, has always been the characteristic
of the Shiite believers. The present Shah of Persia has no
religious status, and, in the view of the religious leaders,
no fundamental right to the allegiance of the Persians, whose
real chief is no living King, but the twelfth Imam, the coming
Messiah, even now present on the earth, though unseen. The
patriotism of the Shiite does not therefore centre in the
person of the Kaliph, but is, or can be, of a highly
revolutionary character."
May 23. An "important question has arisen in relation to an addition
to the Constitution, guaranteeing equal treatment for all
Persian subjects, irrespective of their creed. The mullahs
protested. Of the three great Mujteheds, only one—Seyid
Mohamed—declared in favour of it. The others, supported by a
large body of the clergy, maintain that Mussulman law must be
enforced in a Mussulman country. The clerical world is divided
on the subject. A large number of the priests, headed by Seyid
Mohamed and the popular preacher Sheikh Jamal-ed-Din, declare
openly that the law of Mahommed is a law of liberty and
equality, and that those who say otherwise are traitors to
their country and unworthy of their religion. The
representative of the Parsees informs me that he has great
hopes that a decision will be taken favourable to toleration;
but the matter is still in suspense."
"The Atabeg-i-Azam [about whom something will be told below]
arrived at Tehran the 26th April, and was formally appointed
President of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the
Interior on the 2nd May. He proceeded to the National Assembly
on the 4th May, accompanied by his whole Cabinet, and made a
statement of policy."
"The tone of the local press is getting more and more
democratic, and new papers are constantly appearing. There are
at present nearly thirty papers published in Tehran alone,
including several dailies. Papers are also published in nearly
all the provinces, and a Persian paper of a very anti-dynastic
tone is published at Baku and widely circulated in Persia.
Anonymous pamphlets are also widely spread in Tehran as
before. A number of them are printed at Baku, and are
remarkable for their inflammatory character. The Tehran
pamphlets are chiefly directed against the Atabeg-i-Azam and
the Government."
June 18. "The financial condition of the Government is, if possible,

worse than ever. The police of the capital are on strike; it
has been found almost impossible to scrape together money
enough to induce the Tehran troops to leave for the scene of
the rebellion."
"The Government would, if it dared, borrow abroad to meet its
present liabilities. But, in view of the popular sentiment, it
does not resort to a foreign loan. It appeals to the Assembly
for help, in the form of subscriptions to the proposed
National Bank. The answer it receives is that the people will
subscribe as soon as the rich nobles, who are known to have
large sums of money, show the way. This the rich refuse to do.
As to raising money by taxation, the Assembly appears to be
convinced that as soon as the Government has any money in hand
it will use it for the destruction of the Medjliss. Any
effective control of expenditure is regarded as quite out of
the question. The exasperation against the Shah is rapidly
increasing."
"There is a considerable difference between the north and the
south. In the south the popular movement has an almost
farcical character; it turns on personal or pecuniary
questions. In the north there appears to be a more or less
definite political aim and a keen sense of patriotism. So far
there is no sign of an anti-foreign outbreak."
July 19. "The general condition of the whole country is undoubtedly
bad, and is probably slightly worse than last month. The
disturbances at Tehran have been chiefly brought about by
artificial means to serve the purposes of the reactionaries.
There seems, however, no reason to regard it as dangerous,
though the Government has every appearance of being bankrupt,
and artificial demonstrations are of daily occurrence. There
is so far no reason to fear an outbreak and consequent danger
to foreign lives or property."
August 15. "The Assembly still continues to sit, and it celebrated the
anniversary of the grant of the Constitution amid great scenes
of popular enthusiasm. But it has done, and is doing, nothing
of practical value. Its proceedings are disorderly, and it
comes to no decision. The covert opposition of the Shah and
his friends is conducted with considerable skill through a
section of the priestly party, who are heavily subsidized.
They have obtained some measure of success, and the
reactionary forces show a considerable amount of vigour. But
the popular leaders are not seriously afraid of these enemies,
and confidently maintain that the restoration of autocracy in
Persia is now impossible. The chief enemies of the Assembly
are its own members."
"The Atabeg is in a state of great depression, is afraid for
his life, distrustful of the Shah, and professes that he is
anxious to resign. He is useful as a man holding a middle
position between Shah and people, and possessing great
experience and knowledge of the country, but he is quite
incapable of organizing or administering a Government or of
carrying out any thorough-going reform."
September 13. "On the evening of the 30th ultimo the Atabeg called on me and
talked at length on the political situation. The general tenor
of his observations was that the Shah would withdraw his
opposition, the Medjliss would work with the Government, and
that very shortly the Government would be able to put an end
to the disorder which reigned in the country. I never saw him
in better spirits.
"The next day [August 31] the Atabeg and the Ministers
repaired to the Palace and requested the Shah to accept their
resignations unless he would solemnly pledge himself to
cooperate with the Government and the Medjliss. They obtained
the promise in writing, and repaired in a body to the
Assembly. The proceedings of the Assembly on that day were on
the whole harmonious and satisfactory. The Atabeg read the
Shah’s statement, and explained that the Government and the
Assembly would now be able to proceed to the serious work of
reform. There was some opposition, but it was overruled. The
majority of the Members showed their sympathy with the
Government.
{485}
"The Atabeg left the Assembly accompanied by the principal
Mujtehed, Seyed Abdullah. They reached the outer door of the
Palace inclosure, and had just parted when the Atabeg was shot
and killed. One of his assailants was captured, but wounded
his captor and escaped; another, finding himself surrounded,
shot himself. …
"For some time lately rumours have been spread abroad through
the local press and by word of mouth to the effect that the
Atabeg was in secret collusion with the Shah, for the
overthrow of the Assembly and the sale of the country to
Russia. Statements to this effect reached me from Members of
the Assembly. There can be no doubt as to the genuineness and
intensity of the feeling against the Atabeg. A French doctor,
who attended one of the assassins some time before the murder,
assured Mr. Churchill that he and his friends were quiet and
respectable persons of the middle class, imbued with the
strongest feeling of patriotism, and ready to devote their
lives to the service of their country. The attacks on the
Atabeg had lately gained in virulence, and had attracted
universal attention. … Popular sentiment approved the murder,
and the assassins were regarded as saviours of their country.
The streets of Tabreez were illuminated. The result of the
Atabeg’s murder is for the time to disorganize the whole
system of government."
In a recent book on Persia, by W. P. Cresson, the writer, an
American, who had visited the country during the final
Ministry of the Atabeg Azam, and had talked with him,
describes him with admiration, having been especially
impressed with his liberality of views and his knowledge of
European and American affairs. In his periods of exile from
Persia (which occurred several times in the course of his
public life) he had visited both Europe and America and
studied them well.
PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (August).
Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to Persia.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).
PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (September-June).
A series of Political Overturnings.
The Shah deserted.
Temporary Supremacy of the Assembly.
Nasr-ul-Mulk Premier.
Addition to the Constitution.
The Shah’s attempted Coup d’État and failure.
Attempted Assassination of the Shah.
His successful second Coup d’Etat.
The Assembly dispersed and its dissolution proclaimed.
New Elections promised.
The assassination of the Atabeg Azam was followed soon by a
strange series of overturnings in the political situation,
outlined, and but slightly explained in the following excerpts
from despatches of the British Legation at Tehran:
September 13, 1907. "A deputation recently called on the Mushir-ed-Dowleh [former
Grand Vizier] and asked him to take office. He refused unless
he was provided with money. He said that he would not take the
dangerous responsibility of accepting a foreign loan, and that
unless the Persian people supplied the funds necessary to
carry on the Government, or consented to the Government
finding funds elsewhere, all government would be shortly
impossible."
October 2. "Shah has been solemnly informed by a Committee composed of
Princes, high military and civil officials, and great
landlords, and including all the reactionaries of prominence,
that, unless he maintains the Constitution and works with the
Medjliss their support will be withdrawn from the throne. The
usual reassuring answer was returned by His Majesty. The
Minister for Foreign Affairs, whose position is very
precarious owing to the strike in his own Department, is
opposed to them, but the head of the new Government has
promised them support. The members of the Committee yesterday
took a solemn oath of fidelity to the Constitution in the
Assembly, where they had repaired for the purpose. Excepting
support of the Minister for Foreign Affairs the Shah is now
practically isolated, though he is supposed still to entertain
reactionary views."
October 3. "Saad-ed-Dowleh has been dismissed from post of Minister for
Foreign Affairs."
October 10. "The Mushir-ed-Dowleh died very suddenly on the evening of
the 13th September.
"On the 27th September the Princes and civil and military
officials of note, who had up till then formed the reactionary
party, presented an ultimatum to the Shah declaring their
adhesion to the Constitution and the National Assembly, and
threatening to sever all connection with the throne should His
Majesty not cooperate with the National party. … There was
little on the surface to indicate the sudden volte-face of the reactionaries. The chief cause must undoubtedly be
reckoned to be fear. The murder of the Atabeg … and the
suspicion that the sudden death of Mushir-ed-Dowleh was not
due to natural causes, had unquestionably produced a very deep
effect. …
"The result of the first year’s work of the Assembly has been
on the whole rather negative, but at least it has succeeded in
asserting its will against the influence of the Shah and
clergy, and has now a reasonable prospect of being able to
start on the path of reconstruction."
October 25. "New Ministry has been formed under presidency of
Nasr-ul-Mulk, reappointed Minister of Finance. Most important
members are Mushir-ed-Dowleh, son of the late
Mushir-ed-Dowleh, Foreign Affairs; Sanied-Dowleh, Interior;
Mukhber-es-Sultaneh, Justice."
November 27. "I have the honor to transmit to you herewith a full
translation of the text of the Constitutional Law as passed by
the National Assembly and signed by the Shah on the 8th of
October.
[This addition of articles to the Constitution signed by the
Shah on the 30th of December, 1906, will be found, in this
Volume, appended to that instrument, under CONSTITUTION OF
PERSIA.]
The Law reduces the Sovereign to practical impotence, but by
far its most important part is that defining the powers of the
Tribunals. Articles 71 and the succeeding Articles, though
ambiguously worded, intentionally so, will, if carried into
execution, deal a deadly blow at the judicial powers of the
Mollahs."
{486}
December 15. "Disorders are threatening here. Violent speeches, denouncing
the Shah and demanding the exile of the Shah’s Chief Adviser
and Agent, Saad-ed-Dowleh and Amir Bahadur Jang, were made
yesterday at a popular meeting at the principal mosque. The
Ministry has resigned, but the Shah refuses to accept
resignation. This morning an excited crowd gathered outside
the Assembly, but was dispersed by armed men sent by the
Shah."
December 15. "Ala-ed-Dowleh, who was sent to the Palace by the Assembly
with a message, and another brother of President of Assembly
were arrested by the Shah at 3 o’clock this afternoon. Shah
sent for Prime Minister at 5 p. m., put chains on him, and
threatened to kill him five hours after sunset. I have sent to
demand assurances for Nasr-ul-Mulk’s safety from the Palace,
and am requesting co-operation of Russian Minister."
December 16. "Nasr-ul-Mulk is exiled, and leaves for Resht to-day. As he
fears Shah will attempt his life on the way, he begged me to
send a member of the Legation with him, as was done when the
late Atabeg was sent to Kum in 1897. This, I said, I was for
the moment unable to do. I am, however, sending two gholams.
On his arrest the Assembly dispersed, and the Anjumans, on
which its real power rested, remained inactive. The other
Ministers have all resigned. They were summoned to the Palace
and were practically under arrest there till they also left
the Palace when Nasr-ul-Mulk was released by my demand on his
behalf. … Armed partisans of Shah have occupied principal
square since midday yesterday. For the present his coup d’état
seems to be successful. The Committees are collecting armed
round the Assembly this morning. There is no sign of danger to
Europeans, and there has been as yet no fighting."
December 17. "More armed ruffians are being brought into the town and are
congregating in Cannon Square, supported by troops and guns. …
Round the Medjliss building the Anjumans [popular
associations] are again assembling armed."
December 18. "No Government has been formed. The popular party is acting
strictly on the defensive, and the Committees are still
guarding the Assembly. The Shah last night conceded the
Assembly’s demands, which are moderate."
December 22. "Russian Minister and I have just come back from the Palace.
He laid the situation before the Shah with the utmost
frankness, and the strongest assurances that he would respect
and uphold the Constitution were given us by His Majesty.
Steps are now being taken by us to let the Constitutionalists
understand that it is incumbent upon the two Legations to see
that the Shah observes the pledges he has given us."
December 31. "Meantime [after the interview, above reported, with the
Shah], the general situation had become more threatening. The
Tabreez Anjuman [local assembly or Committee] had succeeded in
circulating throughout Persia the threat of deposing the Shah,
and the larger cities, where the idea of constitutional
government has taken root, appeared to be greatly excited.
Telegrams promising armed support against the Shah had been
received from Shiraz, Ispahan, Resht, Kazvin, Kerman, and
Meshed, and signs of sympathy had come in from other quarters.
In Tehran itself, despite unmistakable signs that the Shah
must yield, as he did late in the afternoon, the excitement
against His Majesty was, if anything, more marked."
"It has been difficult to find a method of conveying the
Shah’s guarantee in a manner agreeable to the susceptibilities
of the Assembly. However, on Friday Mushir-ed-Dowleh furnished
M. de Hartwig with a rough draft of a declaration which we
might each communicate to the President of the Assembly, and
taking this as the basis we prepared a letter in French."
January 2, 1908.
"Although Tehran is now relatively quiet, and the provinces
have been much less affected than might reasonably have been
apprehended by the knowledge of what was happening at the
capital, I fear that relief is only temporary, and that Persia
is drifting nearer and nearer to complete anarchy. The
struggle between the Shah and his people has resulted in a
complete victory for the latter, but I am not sanguine that
the prospects of the establishment of constitutional
government on a durable basis have been much improved thereby.
For the moment, indeed, the Shah has been completely cowed,
and is now retired into the Anderoon [harem]."
January 29. "In the early days of the month, though externally the town
was quiet enough, it seemed as though another crisis might
occur. The Shah, after a few days’ comparative inactivity,
recommenced his campaign against the Assembly."
February 28. "The Shah, who had not been out of the Palace since he paid
his state visit to the National Assembly on the 12th November,
1907, was proceeding at 3 p. m. to his country seat at
Dochantapeh when a determined attempt was made on his life.
The procession was formed of a motor-car in front and a
carriage behind, with the usual escort of horsemen and running
footmen. A little way past the house of the Manager of the
Imperial Bank, and before reaching that of the Zil-es-Sultan,
a fusillade was opened on the motor-car, in which it was
supposed the Shah rode, by some persons from the adjoining
roofs, who evidently could not see into the vehicles from
their elevated position. Two bombs were then thrown at the
motor-car completely shattering it, and killing two persons
and wounding about seven others. The Shah, who was seated in
the carriage behind the motor-car, immediately emerged and
took refuge in a neighboring house."
April 24. "While … the general condition of Persia has been more
tranquil, at the capital all the indications show but too
clearly that the struggle between the Shah and the Enjumens
[Committees or Associations] has lost none of its bitterness.
I say advisedly the Enjumens, for in the last trial of
strength, in which the Shah was again worsted, the Assembly
played a very small part indeed."
May 21. "The condition of the country is going from bad to worse, and
the feeble Government is absolutely unable to do anything to
restore a decent degree of order, and even if money were
forthcoming, it is in the last degree improbable that without
foreign assistance any serious measure of reform can be
undertaken."
{487}
June 8. "On Saturday morning, the 6th June, an apparent reconciliation
between the Shah and the popular party took place, but the
next morning it was reported to His Majesty that a telegram
had been sent to Zil-es-Sultan [one of the royal princes, and
an aspirant to the throne] at Shiraz by the Eujumens asking
him to come to Tehran and assume the Regency. The same evening
the Zil’s eldest son, also Serdar Mansur, Ala-ed-Dowleh, and
Azad-ul-Mulk, the Head of the Kajar tribe [the imperial tribe]
who took part in the agitation last week, were arrested by the
Shah."
June 23. "About 6 o’clock this morning twenty Cossacks were sent by the
Shah to arrest eight persons who were in the mosque adjoining
the Assembly House. The demand for the surrender of these
persons met with a refusal, and a shot was fired from the
mosque. Fighting then started, and is still continuing. The
number of people killed is said to be large. Guns are being
used by the Shah’s troops."
June 23. "The Assembly building and the mosque have been cleared by the
Shah’s forces, and the meeting-place of the Azerbaijan Enjumen
has been destroyed. The Shah has arrested the Chief Mujtehed,
Seyyid Abdullah, the Sheikh-ul-Reis, and some ten other
alleged leaders of popular party. The Cossack Brigade has lost
forty men. The loss on the other side is said to be very
small, but the exact number is unknown. A state of siege has
been proclaimed and the Enjumens have dispersed. Some shops
and houses, including that of the Zil-es-Sultan, and the
Assembly building, have been pillaged."
June 25. "The first shot was undoubtedly fired by the people in the
mosque and Assembly, among whom some Deputies were included. I
believe that every preparation had been made to clear the
mosque by force if this proved necessary. In any case, the
Shah had reasonable ground for taking strong measures, as the
attack was made by the popular party on the troops. …
"Efforts are being made to catch Deputies, and several,
including the President of the Assembly, have already been
arrested. The Enjumens seem to be cowed; their supporters are
falling away, and the Shah has complete mastery. Yesterday
morning two prisoners were strangled at the Shah’s camp, and
there are about thirty persons, other than Deputies, under
arrest. There are now in the Legation fifty refugees.
"There has been fighting in Tabreez between the popular party
and the Shah’s partisans. There is no sign from the other
provinces, and the Zil-es-Sultan is trying to dissociate
himself from the agitation."
June 26. "A Proclamation stating that the present Assembly is dissolved
has been issued by the Shah. Proclamation announces that new
elections will be held in three months, and a Senate will be
formed."
PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
Final Hostilities between the Shah and the Supporters
of the Constitution.
Tabriz the Center of a Revolutionary Movement.
Entrance of the Bakhtiari into the Struggle.
Siege of Tabriz and its Relief by the Russians.
Capture of Teheran by the Nationalists and Bakhtiari.
Deposition of the Shah.
A child enthroned.
The occurrences of June, narrated above, were at the beginning
of the final outbreak of hostilities between the partisans of
the Shah and the supporters of the Constitution, which soon
ran into actual civil war.
When the Shah had established his authority at Teheran, Tabriz
became the center of popular opinion on the side of the
Constitutionalists, or Nationalists, and the main seat of
their strength. Fighting began there on the 23d of June,
simultaneously with the conflict at Teheran, and continued
intermittently and indecisively throughout July and August, at
the end of which time the Nationalists were said to be 10,000
strong. On the 24th of September the Royalists began a
bombardment of the town, with five guns, to which the
Nationalists responded vigorously with four. October 10th the
Nationalists assumed the offensive, attacking the camp of the
besiegers, routing their cavalry, and securing possession of a
desirable bridge.
On the 24th of September, under pressure from the
representatives of Great Britain and Russia, the Shah decreed
that a Mejlis (National Assembly) "composed of religious and
proper persons, will, by the help of God and the favor of the
12th Imam, be convoked by us for the 19th Shavval"—that is,
November 14—and that a law of elections should be made known
by October 27. The latter date passed without producing the
promised election law and no elections followed in November;
but on the 8th of the latter month the Shah’s partisans
organized a "demonstration" at Teheran against the
Constitution, on the strength of which the mendacious
sovereign replied to British and Russian remonstrances against
his faithlessness by saying that "a large section of the
population regarded a constitutional regime as contrary to
their religion." Presently, on the 22d of November, he issued
a rescript proclaiming that the Ulema had declared such an
institution as a Parliament to be contrary to Islam and
therefore he would not convoke it.
Early in 1909 the revolt first organized at Tabriz became rife
in many parts of the nominal Empire of the Shah, both north
and south. On the 25th of January The Times of India,
published at Bombay, where commercial and political interests
in Persian affairs are equally keen, described the situation
then existing as follows: The "news from Persia is extremely
grave, because it indicates the collapse of the Shah’s
authority from north to south. The Anjumans [Enjumens—a term
which seems to be applied to local assemblies and to all
political associations alike] of Astrabad and Lahidjan have
repudiated the present regime. This means that the Caspian
littoral is being lost to the Shah. What is of even greater
consequence is that the spread of the revolt to Lahidjan may
mean the cutting off of the trade with Teheran via Resht,
which is now the principal route open to traffic. Then in the
far south, almost on the Gulf littoral, the Nationalists of
Laristan have thrown off all semblance of the Shah’s
authority. Recently it was stated that the Bakhtiaris had
risen in revolt, and had looted Isfahan. It was not to be
expected that the Lars, of which the Bakhtiaris are an
offshoot and who enjoy a modified independence, would remain
quiescent under these conditions. Reuter is however in error
in stating that these tribal fights ‘are interrupting’
communications between Bushire and Shiraz.
{488}
These have been interrupted for many months, and as we stated
on Friday, the muleteers who usually ply between Bushire and
Shiraz some time ago removed their animals to the
Resht-Teheran road. The insecurity of this route is
illustrated by the fact that the Derya Begi, the fount of
Persian dignity at Bushire, was held up and robbed on his way
from Teheran to his charge on the coast. All these straws
point to the rapidity with which anarchy is spreading."
The Bakhtiari referred to in this account of affairs, and who
now began to bear an important part in the Persian
revolutionary conflict, are a semi-independent and nomadic
tribe, occupying the region of the mountains which bear the
same name, in western Persia, within the provinces of Luristan
and Khuzistan. They claim, it is said, by descent from the
Bactrians of remote antiquity, to represent the purest blood
of ancient Iran. In connection with recent disturbances, they
began to be mentioned in June, 1907. The head of one faction
among them, Semsam-es-Sultaneh, had then been removed by the
Persian provincial governor from the post of Ilkhani (a title
surviving from the Mongol conquest of the 13th century,—see
PERSIA: A. D. 1258-1393, in Volume IV. of this work), and his
supporters were reported to be "out in every direction
attacking caravans." The only mention of them in the following
months was as pestilent bandits in the Ispahan quarter,
holding the roads and breaking up commerce and travel; but
they came at last into Persian history as allies of the
Nationalists in the struggle for Constitutional Government.
Press reports from Tabriz in February were to the effect that
the Shah’s forces, estimated at 12,000 in number, had closely
invested the town; that the besieged Nationalists were
provisioned for two months, and were making sorties daily.
Also that Resht was full of armed Caucasian revolutionaries.
At the middle of March a correspondent of the London
Times made his way from Teheran to Resht, and found
that the revolutionary movement there was entirely "exotic."
"If the Caucasian element was removed," he wrote, "nothing
would remain. One can estimate fairly accurately that there
are about 600 men under arms in the town and on the road. It
is said that 5 per cent. of these are Persians. This morning I
watched the departure of a contingent of men for the front.
Greeks, Kurds, Armenians, Tartars, Russians—all the Caucasian
peoples were represented, but not a single man of the race for
the advancement of whose cause these men have taken arms."
This correspondent was led to suspect, as others have done,
that the religious movement in Persia known as "Babism" (see,
in Volume I. of this work, under BAB) had much to do, in a
secret way, with the existing revolutionary undertaking.
"Those who are in a position to judge." he said, "estimate the
present proportion of Babis in the population of Persia at
from 10 to 30 per cent. I have, indeed, heard the Persians
estimate it as high as 50 per cent."
Before the end of March the Nationalists were in control of
the ports of Bender Abbas and Bushire on the Persian Gulf. On
the 30th of March the following went to the London
Times from Teheran: "In spite of numerous defections to
the Nationalist side during the last fortnight, the situation
at Teheran remains practically unaltered. The Cossack Brigade
is still the premier factor, and there seems no reason to
doubt either its allegiance to the Shah or its ability to deal
with any element of disturbance likely to arise in the
capital. The bazaars remain partially closed, but the business
of the town proceeds without interruption.
"From outside there is nothing to apprehend for the present.
The Bakhtiari have made no sign, though their position has
been rendered materially more secure by the recent espousal of
Nationalism by the most notable family at Shiraz. From Resht
the revolutionaries continue to launch remonstrance, warning,
and anathema at the Shah, but they are too wise to march on
the capital without a lead from elsewhere.
"To-day’s news from Tabriz indicates that the situation of the
town is extremely grave. A section of the Nationalists
advocate negotiating with the besiegers, but Satar Khan has
decided to continue his resistance. The stores of food are to
be appropriated for the fighting men, and when the stock
remaining is exhausted the inhabitants will have no
alternative but to leave the town and run the gauntlet of the
Shah’s lambs."
The Cossack Brigade referred to in the despatch above was a
body of Persian Cossacks which had been for some time past in
the service of the Shah, under the command of a Russian
officer, Colonel Liakhoff. In the House of Commons, on the
24th of March, the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs was
sharply questioned as to this employment of a Russian officer,
and the alleged employment of others, in the Shah’s service,
and asked whether they were serving the Shah or the Tsar. In
reply he said: "It may be that in the events of the
summer—what is called the coup d’État—Colonel Liakhoff, the
Russian officer in command of the Persian Cossacks, who had
been lent to the Shah for the purpose, I understand, of
disciplining that body of Persian Cossacks, to provide a
bodyguard for the Shah, and in case of need to preserve order
in Teheran—it may be that he exceeded the limit of those
purposes. If he did so I am convinced that it was not by the
instructions, on the authority, or with the approval of the
Russian Government; and since the coup d’Etat there has been
no question, according to reports which we have received, that
the Russian officers who remained in the service of the Shah
have kept within the limits of the purposes for which they
were lent to the service of the Shah, and have not taken part
in anything that could be called political encounters in
Persia. If Colonel Liakhoff exceeded the limits in Teheran, he
acted directly under the Government of the Shah, and the
question whether the Russian Government approve or disapprove
his action is one between himself and them, and is not a
matter on which we are called upon to express an opinion."
On the 5th of April it was reported that the sufferings of
Tabriz "are increasing daily, and it is undoubted that a great
tragedy is approaching. If Tabriz holds out, thousands must
die of starvation, while, if it falls, probably tens of
thousands will be massacred." A fortnight later, on the 20th.
the Shah yielded to the insistence of the British and Russian
Legations that he should allow an armistice at Tabriz of six
days and the importation into the town of sufficient food for
that period.
{489}
Meantime a detachment of Russian Cossacks, under General
Snarsky, had crossed the frontier into Persia, and was
marching to Tabriz with supplies. This Russian relief
expedition, approved by the British Government, reached the
beleaguered city without resistance on the 30th, and its
presence brought the conflict at that point to an end. A
correspondent of The Times, who had been in Tabriz
throughout the siege, taking some leadership in the defence
(in company with a teacher attached to the American Mission’s
high school, Mr. Baskerville, who met death in the fighting)
and who gave, two months later, a graphic narrative of the
experience, said in concluding it:
"Tabriz was ultimately saved by the coming of the Russians.
Their entry into the town was the direct cause of the opening
of the roads, the dispersal of the disappointed armies of the
Shah, the promulgation of the Constitution, and the
appointment of a Constitutionalist Ministry. It saved Tabriz
from a surrender which could not otherwise have been delayed
for three days longer, and thereby it averted the complete
collapse of the Constitutional movement."
With victory at Tabriz snatched from him, the Shah ostensibly
threw up his hands. On the 5th of May it was announced that he
had "signed an Imperial rescript acknowledging that the
disorderly condition of the country imposed the necessity of
taking measures to reorganize the administration. The rescript
recognizes that this can only be secured through the
constitutional principle, and his Majesty fixes July 19 for
the election of a representative Assembly, for the formation
of which electoral laws will soon be promulgated."
This revival of promises failed, however, to arrest the
revolutionary movement. On the 7th of May the Nationalists
expelled a royal force from Kazvin—less than a hundred miles
from Teheran—and declared their intention to march on Teheran.
"They are well-armed and well-mounted," said a correspondent
who came from Kazvin, "and possessed of plenty of money. Their
commander, a Sipahdar, and his second in command, an Afghan,
are now at Kazvin, and everything points to the possibility of
early action. The Bakhtiari, who have assembled at Ispahan and
number 3,000, also declare their intention of marching on
Teheran."
Of the Sipahdar, who now becomes the fighting leader of the
Nationalists, a writer in the New York Evening Post relates that "when a merchant in Tabriz, he offered the
government his services in wiping out the brigands who scoured
the provinces, and, selecting a picked band, went out to fight
fire with fire, by the same methods of terrorizing that the
robbers had employed. As a result, he made the provinces safe,
at least."
Pressed by the Russian Legation to withdraw from Kazvin,
pending the fulfilment of the Shah’s promises, the Sipahdar,
commanding there, declared that he could not control his men.
The situation was complicated by the presence of the Russians
at Tabriz. As The Times correspondent wrote: "The
perfectly unambiguous declaration by Russia that her troops
will be withdrawn from Tabriz the moment order is restored and
danger to Europeans is past is valueless in the eyes of
Persians while the troops are there."
The framing of a new electoral law, to the satisfaction of an
electoral committee of the Nationalists, was finished on the
6th of June, and the Shah’s signature to it was expected in a
few days. High hopes were placed on the coming of
Nasr-ul-Mulk, the exiled statesman at Paris, who had been
solicited to accept the Prime Ministry, and who seemed slow to
take the proffered honor. But the wrecked structure of
constitutional government could not so easily be set in
motion. The revolutionaries at Kazvin became threatening
again, and were in motion toward Teheran before the end of
June, while the Bakhtiari began a simultaneous advance. On the
29th of June the Russian Government issued orders "to assemble
a considerable force at Baku, to be held in readiness in case
of a coup de main against the Persian capital."
Meantime the new electoral law had been signed, but not
promulgated, "owing to the prevailing excitement," it was
said.
On the 3d of July the Russian Government addressed a Circular
Note on the situation in Persia to the Governments of foreign
Powers, saying, in part:
"The Imperial Government, on consideration of the position of
affairs, has come to the conclusion that the principle of
absolute non-interference in the internal affairs of Persia
and in the conflict between the Shah and the Persian people
must remain, now as formerly, the basis of its policy in
Persia. In this connexion we could not leave out of sight the
fact that in the event of the Bakhtiari and revolutionaries
entering Teheran the Russian and other European Legations and
European institutions and subjects, as well as our road from
Enzeli (on the Caspian Sea) to Teheran, might find themselves
in an extremely dangerous position, and the more so because,
according to information which has reached us, the only
Regular troops at the Shah’s disposal consist of the Persian
Cossack Brigade, which is at present so weakened that it is
scarcely in a condition to maintain order in Teheran.
"This circumstance imposes upon the Imperial Government the
moral obligation to take all measures in order that, in case
of necessity, it may be possible to render effective aid to
the above-mentioned (European) establishments and subjects and
to ensure unrestricted traffic between Teheran and Enzeli in
all circumstances. It has, therefore, been decided to send a
force from Baku to Enzeli consisting of one regiment of
Cossacks, one battalion of Russian infantry, and one battery
of artillery. The force will not advance beyond Kazvin (86
miles from Teheran), and will ensure communication between
Kazvin and the Caspian Sea.
"The further advance of a portion of the force depends upon
the course of events. It can only ensue upon the demand of the
Imperial Legation in Teheran in the event of the dangerous
situation aforesaid arising."
{490}
The Russian and British Legations attempted mediation between
the Sipahdar and the Shah, to check the former’s advance, but
his demands made their intervention hopeless. The Shah’s
forces pushed out to intercept the on-coming revolutionaries,
encountered them on the 11th, 18 miles west of Teheran, and
fighting went on at a distance from the city for two days; but
forces which slipped between the defensive lines made their
way into the capital on the morning of July 13th, and there
was fighting in the streets until the 16th. The Shah then
sought refuge at the Russian Legation, and the Russian
officers of the Persian Cossacks, besieged in their barracks,
made terms with the Nationalist leaders.
Four days later the Persian situation was stated to the
British House of Commons by the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, Sir Edward Grey, as follows:
"The Shah, after taking refuge in the Russian legation,
abdicated, and his son, Sultan Ahmed Mirza been proclaimed Shah by the Nationalist Committee under the
regency of Azad-ul-Mulk, head of the Kajar tribe, pending the
convocation of Parliament. The commanders of the Fedai and
Bakhtiari, as temporary chiefs of the Persian Government, have
accepted the services of the Persian Cossack brigade under
their Russian officers, on condition that the latter are
completely under the orders of the Minister of War. This
arrangement was ratified at a meeting between the commanders
and Colonel Liakhoff. Teheran is quiet, and the Persian
Cossacks are already fraternizing with the Fedai. The Sipahdar
has been appointed Minister of War, and the Sirdar Assad
Minister of the Interior." Being asked if he would represent
to the Russian Government the undesirability of advancing
Russian troops to Teheran, Sir Edward added: "In view of the
declarations already made by the Russian Government as to the
circumstances under which alone Russian troops would be sent
to Teheran and in view of the fact that no troops have been
sent to Teheran during the recent troubles, in spite of the
fact that at one time some apprehension, which happily proved
to be unfounded, was expressed for the safety of Russian
subjects, such representations would be most uncalled for."
On the 17th the Provisional Government gave notice to the
Anglo-Russian legations of the selection of the new Shah, and
asked that he should be delivered to their keeping; whereupon,
wrote the Times correspondent, "M. Sablin announced the
request to the Shah, who replied that he thought his mother
would not consent. The Shah then took M. Sablin to his mother
and an affecting scene ensued. Both the mother and father
broke down at the thought of parting with their favourite son
and offered their second son in his place. M. Sablin replied
that the selection had been made by the people and that he had
no voice in the matter. The boy wept bitterly in sympathy with
his parents and declined to leave his mother. Finally their
Majesties were persuaded to agree. On receiving the Shah’s
assent, the necessary proclamation was immediately promulgated
and it was arranged that the Regent and a Nationalist
deputation would receive the little Shah.
"An interested crowd witnessed his departure this morning from
the custody of his natural guardians. During the morning
Sultan Ahmed wept bitterly at the prospect of becoming a King,
and it required a stern message to the effect that crying was
not allowed in the Russian Legation before he dried his eyes.
Then the little man came out bravely, entered a large
carriage, and drove off alone, escorted by Cossacks, Sowars,
and Persian Cossacks and followed by a long string of
carriages. At Sultanatabad he was met by the Regent and the
deputation and ceremoniously notified of his high position and
of the hope entertained by the nation that he would prove to
be a good ruler.
‘Inshallah, I will,’ replied the lad. Arrangements for the
Coronation will be made hereafter. In the meanwhile the little
Shah, who is guarded by a Bakhtiari, remains with his tutors
at Sultanatabad, where his mother is free to visit him."
At Teheran, affairs settled quickly into quiet, but disorders
were prolonged in various parts of the provinces, being
especially serious at Shiraz. The deposed Shah remained for
weeks at the Russian Legation, while negotiations with him for
a pension or allowance in return for his surrender of jewels
and money to the State went on, and the unhappy child who
occupied his palace had more sorrow than he.
Early in August Colonel Liakhoff returned to Russia and was
appointed to a regimental command. On the 1st of September a
general amnesty, with a few exceptions, was proclaimed by the
new government at Teheran. On the 9th of September the deposed
Shah left the shelter of the Russian Legation and journeyed,
with his queen, four younger children and several friends,
under Russian escort, to a residence in Russia, at Odessa,
which was his choice. Persia was still waiting for the able
and much trusted constitutionalist statesman, Nasr-ul-Mulk, to
return from his exile at Paris and accept the offered
premiership in the government; but on the 21st of September
the report went out that he had definitely declined the post.
He returned to Persia, however, in October. On the 11th of
October the Russian Government made known that it had decided
to withdraw the greater part of the troops it had been keeping
at Tabriz. A new Mejliss, for which the Regent had ordered
elections, was assembled on the 15th of November. On the 7th
of December the Mejliss unanimously approved the proposals of
the Government with regard to borrowing abroad and the
employment of Europeans in executive capacities for the
reorganization of the Finance Department. This, no doubt, will
improve the situation very greatly.
PERSIA: A. D. 1909 (January).
Destructive Earthquake in Luristan.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: PERSIA.
----------PERSIA: End--------
----------PERU: Start--------
PERU: A. D. 1899-1908.
Outline of History.
The leading events of Peruvian history are recorded in Volume
VI. of this work down to the election of President Eduardo de
Romaña, in 1899. "Romaña was a member of a prominent family of
Arequipa, and had been educated in England, at Stonyhurst. He
further had studied for, and taken a degree as, an engineer at
King’s College, London; and whilst he had not acquired much
experience in politics, he nevertheless successfully filled
the Presidential Chair throughout his term. He was alive to
the necessity for the development of the resources of the
country, and, fortunately, his administration was not
embarrassed by disturbances other than some small political
intrigues such as inevitably take place in a country which, as
Peru, was evolving a régime of civil government.
{491}
During this term there was some influx of North American
capitalists, who acquired important interests, in the copper
mines of Cerro de Pasco, and who commenced the construction of
a railway line thereto. … The presidency of Señor Romaña
uneventfully expired at its natural time; elections were held,
and Señor Manuel Candamo, who had already provisionally been
head of the State, was chosen as president in May, 1903.
Candamo had been successful in quieting political animosities
after the revolt against Caceres and in consolidating the
political situation. Peru now showed real evidences of
advancement. The old turbulent element was passing away; those
leaders who had placed purely personal ambition before the
true interests of their country had given place to the natural
talent and ability of the best citizens, whom the times were
calling to the front. Candamo’s rule promised well for the
country. He was surrounded by able men, among whom, as chief
cabinet minister, was Dr. Domingo Almenard, an upright lawyer.
The fiscal revenue was increased by taxes, against which there
were murmurings, but which the country was able to bear, and
the tax on tobacco was set apart for the construction of new
railways. Unfortunately, this able administrator, Señor
Candamo, continued but a short time in office, for he was
overtaken by illness, and died at Arequipa in May, 1904. This
event left the country under the temporary leadership of the
second vice-president, Señor Calderon, for the first
vice-president had died also. An election was at once called
according to law, the two candidates which were put forward
being Dr. Jose Pardo, son of the former president of the same
name, and Señor Nicolas Piérola, who had already been at the
head of the Government on two occasions. Rivalry between the
partisans of these two candidates became acute, and although
it was feared for a moment that some disturbance might occur,
good sense prevailed, and the elections proceeded without
interruption. Both contestants were good men—Piérola
representing the party known as the Democratas, whilst
Pardo headed the Civilistas. There were not very
radical differences of principle underlying these distinctions
of name; both were for civil government and for national
progress. Piérola had done good work during his former term,
whilst Pardo had the prestige of the good name and
administration of his father, the former president of
1872-1876, and was also held in esteem personally among the
best element of the country. The result of the election—held,
probably, more fairly than ever in Peru before—fell to Dr.
Pardo, who took the presidential scarf and office in
September, 1904, and who still guides the affairs of his
country in a manner which has won the esteem of the nation, in
a general sense.
Dr. Pardo’s Cabinet was formed of some of the most capable men
in the country, prominent among whom was the minister of
Finance, Señor Leguia, to whose work is largely due the
improved financial situation. At the present time—1908—the
best elements of Peru are in the ascendant."
G. Reginald Enock,
Peru: Its Former, and Present Civilization,
History and Existing Conditions,
chapter 9 (Scribner’s Sons, New York).
PERU: A. D. 1901.
Broad Treaty of Arbitration with Bolivia.
See (in this Volume)
ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).
PERU: A. D. 1901-1906.
Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
of American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PERU: A. D. 1903-1909.
Boundary disputes in the Acre region with Bolivia and Brazil.
See (in this Volume)
ACRE DISPUTES.
PERU: A. D. 1905.
Arbitration Treaties with Colombia and Ecuador.
In a message to the Peruvian Congress, July 28, 1906,
President Pardo communicated treaties of arbitration with
Colombia, one general in its nature, the other special for the
settlement of existing boundary questions. Of the latter the
message said:
"As in former treaties of the same character which have been
heretofore concluded with that Republic, the controversy is
submitted to the decision, to be based upon considerations of
equity, of His Holiness Pope Pius X. But as our question with
Colombia is connected with the one with Ecuador, it has been
agreed that the arbitration with Colombia shall only take
place after the termination of the one in which we are now
proceeding with Ecuador, upon the adjudication by the royal
Spanish arbitrator to Peru of territories which are likewise
claimed by Colombia."
PERU: A. D. 1906.
Decree for the Encouragement of Immigration.
See (in this Volume)
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: PERU.
PERU: A. D. 1907.
Diplomatic Relations with Chile reëstablished.
The Tacna and Arica questions remaining open.
See (in this Volume)
CHILE: A. D. 1907.
PERU: A. D. 1908-1909.
Seating of President Leguia.
Attempted Revolutions defeated.
On the 27th of May, 1908, Augusto B. Leguia became President,
succeeding Dr. Pardo. Señor Leguia had previously been Premier
and Minister of Finance and Commerce; prior to which he had
been managing director of a great English sugar company in
Peru. A revolutionary movement had been attempted a few weeks
before, in which Dr. Augusto Durand and Isaias Piérola were
engaged, and which suffered defeat.
A year later, on May 29, a similar attempt was announced from
Lima, and ascribed to the same "agitators," who, said the
despatch, "made an assault upon the palace and seized
President Leguia. The army, however, remained loyal and came
to his support. The revolutionists were obliged to liberate
the President, who immediately took measures to put down the
movement. Within an hour, although firing was still heard in
the streets, President Leguia seemed to be master of the
situation. Many shots were exchanged between the troops and
the revolutionists and it is believed that the casualties will
be heavy."
This was contradicted a week later, so far as concerned Dr.
Durand. "It has been proved," said the later statement, "that
the revolutionary outbreak of last week was engineered
entirely by the followers of the Piérola brothers. A committee
of the Liberal party to-day visited President Leguia, and,
declaring that neither Dr. Durand nor José Oliva had taken
part in the movement, requested that these men be set at
liberty. The country is quiet."
----------PERU: End--------
PETER I., King of Servia: His Election.
See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.
{492}
PETIT, Archbishop Fulbert.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
PETROLEUM:
The Supply and the Waste in the United States.
See (in this Volume)
Conservation of Natural Resources.
PETROPALOVSK, SINKING OF THE.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-August).
PHAGOCYTES: THEIR DEPENDENCE ON OPSONINS.
See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.
PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1905.
A Spasm of Municipal Reform.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1909.
Defeat of Reform.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
----------PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: Start--------
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:
Gains to Spain from their Loss.
See (in this Volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1908.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900-1902.
The Stamping Out of the Bubonic Plague.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.
Second Report of the Second Philippine Commission.
Collapse of the Insurrection.
Peace in all but five Provinces.
Organization of Provincial Governments.
Native Appointments.
Central Civil Government.
Appointment of Governor Taft.
Filipino Members added to Commission.
Down to the capture of Aguinaldo, leader of the Filipino
insurgents, on the 23d of March, 1901, and his submission to
"the sovereignty of the United States throughout the
Philippine Archipelago," as announced in an address to his
countrymen on the 19th of April, the history of American rule
in those islands is recorded in Volume VI. of this work. The
Second Philippine Commission, with the Honorable William H.
Taft at its head, had entered on the performance of its
extensive legislative duties on the 1st of the previous
September, while the Military Governor continued to exercise
administrative powers. The Commission had begun the
organization of provincial and municipal governments, and the
establishing of a system of public schools, as related in the
Volume referred to. From its second report, covering ten
months and a half, ending on the 15th of October, 1901, the
following statements are drawn, to continue the outline of

principal events and most important affairs down to that date:
"The collapse of the insurrection came in May, after many
important surrenders and captures, including that of
Aguinaldo. Cailles, in Laguna, surrendered in June, and
Belarmino, in Albay, on July 4.
"There are four important provinces in which the insurrection
still continues, Batangas, Samar, Cebu, and Bohol. Parts of
Laguna and Tayabas adjoining Batangas in the mountain region
are affected by the disturbances in Batangas. In Mindoro also,
a thinly settled and almost unexplored island, there are
insurrectos. … Outside of the five provinces named there is
peace in the remainder of the archipelago. …
"The work of the commission since it began to legislate in
September, 1900, has been constant. … We have passed since our
last report, in addition to numerous appropriation bills, a
municipal code, a provincial law, a school law, a law
prescribing an accounting system, acts organizing the various
bureaus of the central government, acts organizing the courts,
an act to incorporate the city of Manila, a code of civil
procedure for the islands, and a new tariff act. …
"The general provincial law provides for a provincial
government of five officers—the governor, the treasurer, the
supervisor, the secretary, and the fiscal, or prosecuting
attorney. The governing board is called the provincial board,
and includes as members the governor, the treasurer, and the
supervisor. The prosecuting attorney is the legal adviser of
the board and the secretary of the province is its secretary.
The first function of the provincial government is to collect,
through the provincial treasurer, all the taxes, with few
exceptions, belonging to the towns or the province. Its second
and most important function is the construction of highways
and bridges and public buildings. Its third function is the
supervision, through the governor and the provincial
treasurer, of the municipal officers in the discharge of their
duties. Within certain limitations, the provincial board fixes
the rate of levy for provincial taxation.
"The governor has the power to suspend any municipal officer
found failing in his duty, and is obliged to visit the towns
of the province twice in a year, and hear complaints against
the municipal officers. … Under the act the offices are all to
be filled at first by appointment of the commission. The
governor holds his office until February, 1902, when his
successor is to be elected in a mass convention of the
municipal councilors of the towns of the province. The
secretary, treasurer, and supervisor after February next are
brought under the civil-service act, and all vacancies
thereafter arising are to be filled in accordance with the
terms of that act. The fiscal is appointed for an
indeterminate period, and is not subject to the civil-service
law. …
"The commission reached the conclusion that it would aid in
the pacification of the country; would make the members of
that body very much better acquainted with the country, with
the people, and with the local conditions, and would help to
educate the people in American methods, if the commission went
to the capital of each province and there passed the special
act necessary to create the provincial government and made the
appointments at that time. Accordingly, the commission visited
thirty-three provinces. …
{493}
"The policy of the commission in its provincial appointments
has been, where possible, to appoint Filipinos as governors
and Americans as treasurers and supervisors. The provincial
secretary and the provincial fiscal appointed have uniformly
been Filipinos. It will be observed that this makes a majority
of the provincial board American. The commission has, in
several instances, appointed to provincial offices former
insurgent generals who have been of especial aid in bringing
about peace, and in so doing it has generally acted on the
earnest recommendation of the commanding officer of the
district or province. We believe the appointments made have
had a good effect and the appointees have been anxious to do
their duty. …
"The central government of the islands established in
September, 1900, under the instructions of the President, with
a military governor as chief executive and the commission as
the legislative body with certain executive functions in
addition, continued until the 4th of July, 1901. At that time
Major General Adna R. Chaffee relieved Major-General MacArthur
as commanding general of this division and military governor.
By the order of June 21, previous, in all organized provinces
the civil executive authority theretofore reposed in the
military governor and in the commission was transferred on
July 4 to a civil governor. The president of the commission
was designated as civil governor. …
"By an order taking effect September 1, the purport of which
was announced the 4th day of July, there were added to the
commission, as a legislative body, three Filipinos, Dr. T. H.
Pardo de Tavera, Señor Benito Legarda, and Senor José
Luzuriaga. These gentlemen, the first two of them residents of
Manila and the last a resident of the island of Negros, had
been most earnest and efficient in bringing about peace in the
islands. Dr. Tavera was the first president of the Federal
party, had accompanied the commission in its trips to the
southern provinces, and was most useful in the effective
speeches which he delivered in favor of peace and good order
at every provincial meeting. Señor Legarda had been valuable
in the extreme to General Otis and to all the American
authorities by the wisdom of his suggestions, and the courage
and earnestness with which he upheld the American cause as the
cause most beneficial to his country. Señor José Luzuriaga was
a member of the first government of the island of Negros,
organized while there was insurrection rife throughout the
islands, as an independent government under the supervision of
a military governor, and was most active in preventing the
insurrection from gaining any foothold in that important
island. …
"The theory upon which the commission is proceeding is that
the only possible method of instructing the Filipino people in
methods of free institutions and self-government is to make a
government partly of Americans and partly of Filipinos, giving
the Americans the ultimate control for some time to come. In
our last report we pointed out that the great body of the
people were ignorant, superstitious, and at present incapable
of understanding any government but that of absolutism. The
intelligence and education of the people may be largely
measured by knowledge of the Spanish language. Less than 10
per cent of the people speak Spanish. With Spaniards in
control of these islands for four hundred years and with
Spanish spoken in all official avenues, nothing could be more
significant of the lack of real intelligence among the people
than this statement. The common people are not a warlike
people, but are submissive and easily—indeed much too
easily—controlled by the educated among them, and the power of
an educated Filipino politically ambitious, willing to plot
and use all the arts of a demagogue in rousing the people, is
quite dangerous. The educated people themselves, though full
of phrases concerning liberty, have but a faint conception of
what real civil liberty is and the mutual self-restraint which
is involved in its maintenance. They find it hard to
understand the division of powers in a government, and the
limitations that are operative upon all officers, no matter
how high. In the municipalities, in the Spanish days, what the
friar did not control the presidente did, and the people knew
and expected no limit to his exercise of authority. This is
the difficulty we now encounter in the organization of the
municipality. The presidente fails to observe the limitations
upon his power, and the people are too submissive to press
them. In this condition of affairs we have thought that we
ought first to reduce the electorate to those who could be
considered intelligent, and so the qualifications for voting
fixed in the municipal code are that the voter shall either
speak, read, and write English or Spanish, or that he shall
have been formerly a municipal officer, or that he should pay
a tax equal to $15 a year or own property of the value of
$250."
Report of the U. S. Philippine Commission,
from December 1, 1900, to October 15, 1901,
part 1, pages 7-20.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.
Report of Governor Taft.
Civil Government established in
all Christian Filipino Territory.
The Moros.
Destruction of the Carabao.
Cholera.
Ladrones.
The Native Constabulary.
"When our last report was submitted there was insurrection in
the province of Batangas, where the insurgent forces were
commanded by General Malvar, and in the adjacent provinces of
Tayabas and Laguna; in the province of Samar, where the
insurgent forces were commanded by General Lukban; in Cebu,
where the insurgent forces were under the insurgent leaders
Climaco and Maxilom; in Bohol, where the insurgent forces were
commanded by the insurgent leader Samson; and in the island of
Mindoro. Vigorous campaigns were begun in November and
December by General Bell, in Batangas, Laguna, Tayabas, and
Mindoro, by General Smith in Samar, and by General Hughes in
Cebu and Bohol. In November and December the insurgents in
Cebu and Bohol surrendered, and conditions of peace were so
completely established that the Commission soon after received
the province of Cebu from the military authorities, and by act
numbered 322, passed December 20, 1901, restored the civil
government in that province to take effect January 1, 1902; in
Bohol the province was delivered over to the Commission early
in 1902, and the commission, by act of March 3, 1902, restored
civil government there to take effect April 1, 1902. General
Lukban, in Samar, was captured in February, 1902, and the
entire force of insurgents in that island under General
Guevara surrendered in April following.
{494}
"By an act passed June 17, 1902, Number 419, the Commission
organized the province of Samar, and established civil
government there. In April of 1902, General Malvar surrendered
with all his forces in Batangas, and by act passed June 23,
1902, the Commission restored civil government to that
province to take effect July 4, 1902. By act Number 424,
enacted July 1, 1902, the province of Laguna was organized
into a civil government. This completed the organization of
all the provinces in which insurrection had been rife during
the latter part of 1901, except Mindoro. There were, in
addition, certain tracts of territory occupied by Christian
Filipinos that had not received civil government, either
because of the remoteness of the territory or the scarcity of
population." The report then details the measures by which
civil government was given to these tracts of territory, and
proceeds:
"The question what shall be done with respect to Mindanao is
one which has not been definitely decided, first, because so
much has had to be done with respect to the northern and
Filipino provinces, and, second, because at present there is
an unsettled condition in the Lake Lanao country. The
hostility to the Americans does not reach beyond the Lake
Lanao Moros. The Moros of the Jolo group, of Zamboanga, and of
the Rio Grande de Mindanao Valley are all quiet, and all
entirely willing to submit to American supervision. It is very
possible that an arrangement can be brought about by which the
Sultan of Jolo can be induced to part with such rights as he
claims to have in the Jolo Archipelago, and in this way
questions which now present very perplexing difficulties with
respect to ownership of privileges, rights, and lands may be
obviated. … I think it wiser on the part of the Commission to
postpone the consideration of the Moro question until we have
passed legislation to meet needs that are more pressing
throughout the northern part of these possessions of the
United States. For a great many years to come there will be no
question of popular government in the Moro country; the Moros
do not understand popular government, do not desire it, and
are entirely content with the control by their dattos.
Possibly far in the future the control by dattos will cease.
There is room for material and industrial development among
the Moros, and with their material improvement may come a
change in their political views. For the present, however, it
is necessary only to provide a paternal, strong, but
sympathetic government for these followers of Mohammed.
"The civil government has assumed responsibility for the
preservation of order and the maintenance of law throughout
the Christian Filipino territory of this archipelago at a time
when the material conditions are most discouraging and present
every conceivable obstacle to the successful administration of
the affairs of 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 people. The war of six
years since 1896 has greatly interfered with the regular
pursuit of agriculture, which is almost the only source of
wealth in the islands. Many years ago there was sufficient
rice raised in the islands not only to feed the people but to
export it to other countries. For a number of years before the
American occupancy rice had been imported. The area of
cultivation of the rice has been much lessened during the war
and many fields which were formerly tilled are grown now with
the cogon grass because of neglect.
"The greatest blow to agriculture has been the loss of the
carabao or water buffalo, upon which the cultivation of rice,
according to the mode pursued in these islands, is wholly
dependent. The war in some degree, and the rinderpest in a
much larger degree, have destroyed about 90 per cent of the
carabaos; and the natives—never very active in helping
themselves—have simply neglected the rice culture, so that
now the islands are compelled to spend about $15,000,000 gold
to buy food upon which to live. The carabao is not so
necessary in the cultivation of the sugar crop or in the
cultivation of hemp. …
"The cholera has swept over these islands with fatal effect,
so that the total loss will probably reach 100,000 deaths.
Whole villages have been depopulated and the necessary
sanitary restrictions to avoid its spread have interfered with
agriculture, with intercommunication, and with all business.
The ravages of war have left many destitute, and a guerrilla
life has taken away from many all habits of industry. With no
means of carrying on agriculture, which is the only occupation
of these islands, the temptation to the less responsible of
the former insurgents after surrender to prey upon their
neighbors and live by robbery and rapine has been very great.
The bane of Philippine civilization in the past was ladronism,
and the present conditions are most favorable for its growth
and maintenance. … Many who were proscribed for political
offences in the Spanish times had no refuge but the mountains,
and being in the mountains conducted a free robber life, and
about them gathered legions not unlike those of the Robin Hood
days of England, so that they attracted frequently the
sympathy of the common people. In the Spanish days it was
common for the large estate owners, including the friars, to
pay tribute to neighboring ladrones. Every Tagalog province
had its band of ladrones, and frequently each town had its
recognized ladrone whom it protected and through whom it
negotiated for immunity. …
"The insurrection is over. It is true that the ladrones,
though they live on nothing but cattle and rice stealing, and
never attack American soldiers, and prey only upon their own
people, do masquerade as insurrectos; but they recognize no
authority and have no characteristics other than those of
banditti. They have stirred up in some of the provinces the
organization of so-called secret societies for the purpose of
securing agencies with which successfully to conduct their
robbery and to sell the fruits of it. … The picture that I
have given of the depressed condition of agriculture, and the
tendency to ladronize in the Tagalog provinces and in some of
the Visayan provinces, does not apply to those provinces in
which hemp is the chief product. They are wealthy and
prosperous."
Report of Governor W. H. Taft
(Report of the Philippine Commission, 1902, part 1).
{495}
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.
Padre Aglipay’s Secession from the Roman Catholic Church.
Organization of the Independent Filipino Catholic Church.
"Gregorio Aglipay is an Ilocano, and was an ordained priest of
the Roman Catholic Church in these islands before the
insurrection. During the insurrection he continued his
priestly functions at Mabolos and took such action as to bring
him into conflict with the hierarchy of the Church. What the
merits of this controversy were I do not know. Subsequently he
assumed the leadership of the insurrecto forces in Ilocos
Norte and carried on a very active campaign in the mountains
of that province. He was one of the last of the leaders to
surrender with his forces in North Luzon. Since his surrender
he has been quite active in spreading propaganda among the
native priests against the so-called Friar domination of the
church in these islands. The definite refusal of the Vatican
to withdraw the Spanish friars from the islands was made the
occasion for the formation of the Independent Filipino
Catholic Church. Actively engaged with Aglipay in this
movement was Isabelo de los Reyes, the former editor of an
insurrecto paper, published in Madrid, called Filipinas ante
Europa, and an agitator of irresponsible and irrepressible
character. … Padre Aglipay has secured the active and open
cooperation of a number of native priests, 15 of whom he has
appointed bishops, himself having the title of archbishop. He
has held mass in many different places in and about Manila;
his services have attracted large gatherings of people. …
"In order to prevent constant recurrence of disturbances of
the peace I have had to take a firm stand with the leaders of
the movement by impressing upon them that forcible
dispossession of a priest of the Roman Catholic Church, for
years in peaceable possession of the church and the rector’s
house, is contrary to law, and would be prevented by the whole
police power. The leaders of the movement assure me that they
have no desire to violate the law and wish to keep within it,
but that their followers at times are hard to control. I have
said to them that if they claim title to the churches they may
assert it through the courts, and if successful will secure
not only the confirmation of their title but actual
possession. …
"I have taken occasion to say, whenever an opportunity
occurred, that the insular government desired to take no part
whatever in the religious controversies thus arising; that it
would protect Father Aglipay and his followers in worshiping
God as they chose just as it would protect the Roman Catholic
Church and its ministers and followers in the same rights. But
that, if the law was violated by either party, it would become
the duty of the government to step in and restrain such
lawlessness."
Governor Wm. H. Taft,
Report, 1902, pages 39-40.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902-1903.
Governmental Purchase of the Friars’ Lands.
"As early as 1898, the Peace Commission, which negotiated the
treaty of Paris, became convinced that one of the most
important steps in tranquilizing the islands and in
reconciling the Filipinos to the American Government would be
the governmental purchase of the so-called friars’
agricultural lands in the Philippines, and the sale of these
lands to the tenants upon long, easy payments. … The Secretary
of War and the President concurred in the recommendations of
the Commission. Accordingly in May, 1902, the writer, as civil
governor of the Philippine Islands, was directed by the
Secretary of War to visit Rome and to confer with the Pope or
such agents as he might designate in respect to the question
of buying the friars’ agricultural lands and other questions
of a similar character which were pending between the Roman
Catholic Church and the Government. The negotiations which
were had on this subject in Rome were set forth in the
correspondence published by the Secretary of War in his report
to Congress for last year. In a word, the Pope approved the
purchase of the agricultural lands of the three great
religious orders that owned agricultural lands in the islands
and appointed an apostolic delegate with as full powers as he
could be invested with to bring about this result. …
"In order to determine the value of the estates, the
representatives of the various companies and other interests
were invited to attend a hearing, when various witnesses were
called to testify. The apostolic delegate was also present. …
"In accordance with the agreement reached in Rome, I sent to
the apostolic delegate a request for a statement of the exact
interests retained by the religious orders in the Philippines
in the lands which were the subject of negotiation. No formal
answer to this letter was ever received, but informally it was
stated to me by the delegate that the authorities in the
Philippines had informed him that they had so disposed of
their interests that they were unable to make a statement of
what their interests were, if any. The value of the lands, as
estimated according to the statements of the agents of the
companies, aggregated a sum between thirteen and fourteen
millions of dollars gold. The estimate of Villegas, the
surveyor employed by the Commission, showed the valuation of
the lands to be $6,043,000 gold, if his value in Mexican
should be reduced to gold at the rate of two to one, which was
the gold rate about the time of his survey and classification,
though the Mexican dollar fell considerably after that.
Considering the bad conditions which prevailed in agriculture,
the loss of cattle, the dispute concerning title, and the
agrarian question that must always remain in the management of
these estates and embarrass the owner, I considered—and I
believe the Commission generally agreed with me—that
$6,043,000 gold was a full price for the lands. The sum,
however, was scouted by the persons representing the owners,
and there appeared to be very little prospect of reaching an
agreement. …
"Not discouraged, however, by circumstances that seemed most
discouraging, the apostolic delegate bent his energies to
bringing the parties to a settlement. After some negotiation
the delegate first stated that he thought he could arrange a
sale for $10,500,000 gold. I told him there was no hope of
bringing about a purchase at that figure. … Then followed a
long and protracted discussion between the parties who were to
be the venders as to how this sum should be divided, and there
was much difficulty in arriving at a solution—so great a
difficulty, indeed, that I was informed that unless $7,770,000
was paid there was no hope of reaching an agreement. With the
approval of the Secretary of War and the Commission, I replied
that $7,543,000 was our ultimatum, and that we would not give
more than that, and this was ultimately the basis upon which
the price was fixed."
Report of the Civil Governor of the Philippine Islands,
William H. Taft
(Fourth Report of the Philippine Commission).
{496}
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1905.
Report of Committee on Methods of Dealing with the Sale and
Use of Opium.
See (in this Volume)
OPIUM PROBLEM.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1906-1907.
Resignation of Governor Ide.
Appointment and Inauguration of Governor Smith.
Complete Tranquility in the Islands.
Change in the Constitution of Provincial Boards.
"On September 20, 1906, the resignation of the Honorable Henry
Clay Ide as governor-general became effective, and on that
date the Honorable James F. Smith was inaugurated as
governor-general of the Philippine Islands. … Since April of
this year complete tranquility has prevailed in every part of
the archipelago, inclusive of the Moro province. In 21 of the
provinces peace has reigned supreme during the entire year. In
Bataan and Batangas there was some disturbance of the public
order, caused in the case of the first-named province by the
escape of some provincial prisoners, and in the second by the
operations of six or seven brigands near the boundary line of
the provinces of La Laguna and Tayabas. All of the escaped
prisoners and all of the bandits with the exception of two in
each party have been captured. …
"The convention of provincial governors held in Manila in
October, 1906, recommended that the then existing law
providing that provincial boards shall be composed of a
provincial governor elected by the municipal councilors and
vice-presidents of the various municipalities of the province
and a provincial treasurer and a third member appointed by the
executive be so amended as to permit of the election of the
provincial governor and third member by direct vote of the
people. This recommendation was submitted to the Secretary of
War, and on receiving his approval thereof the provincial
government act was amended accordingly. This innovation in the
constitution and selection of provincial boards has been an
advantage both to the insular and to the local government. On
the one hand it has removed all cause for friction between the
provincial governor elected by the people and the two members
of the board named by the executive. On the other it has
imposed upon the provincial governor and the third member the
responsibility for the well-being of the province and has
removed from the insular government much of the responsibility
for conditions purely of local concern."
Report of the Philippine Commission,
December 31, 1907
(Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, pages 799-807).
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
The Philippine Election Law.
Election of a Popular Assembly.
Political Parties participating in it.
The first meeting of the Assembly.
Presence of Secretary Taft.
His account of the Assembly and of the Parties
represented in it.
"In January, 1907, the Philippine Commission passed the
Philippine election law. In framing this law the election
codes of Massachusetts, New York, the District of Columbia,
and California were consulted and features adopted from each,
modified in such a way as to meet insular conditions and to
avoid the mistakes and abuses that have arisen in some
provincial and municipal elections in the islands. The aim has
been to provide a law sufficiently explicit and not too
complicated for easy comprehension. Every effort has been made
to afford the necessary safeguards and machinery to insure
purity, secrecy, certainty, and expedition, without causing
too great a drain upon the resources of municipal and
provincial governments. The prominent features of this law as
amended are the division of those provinces not inhabited by
Moros or other non-Christian tribes into 78 assembly
districts, each province to constitute at least one district
and the more populous being divided into more districts, in
the ratio of 1 to every 90,000 of population and major
fraction thereof remaining. In accordance with this
apportionment there will be 80 delegates, two of whom will
represent the city of Manila, which is considered as a
province, within the meaning of the act of Congress, and
divided into two districts."
Report of the Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs,
October 31, 1907
(Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, page 781).
"On the 28th of March, 1907, the Commission by resolution,
unanimously adopted, certified to the President that for two
years following the publication of the census of the islands a
condition of general and complete peace had prevailed and then
existed in the territory of the islands not inhabited by Moros
or other non-Christian tribes. … By virtue of this certificate
and in accordance with the provisions of the act of Congress of
July 1, 1902, the President on March 28, issued a proclamation
directing the Philippine Commission to call a general election
for the choice of delegates to a popular assembly. Accordingly
on the 30th of March, 1907, the Commission passed a resolution
ordering that an election be held for delegates on July 30 and
directing the governor-general to issue a proclamation
announcing the election for that date. The proclamation was
issued on April 1. By a strange coincidence the day of the
month fixed for holding the election was the same as that on
which the first legislative body in America, the house of
burgesses, met in the year 1619. Under the general election
law the delegates to the assembly elected at the elections
held on July 30th, 1907, and seated by the Philippine
assembly, will serve until January 1, 1910. Subsequent
elections for delegates will be held on the first Tuesday
after the first Monday in November, 1909, and on the first
Tuesday after the first Monday in November in each
odd-numbered year thereafter, delegates to take office on the
1st day of January next following their election and to hold
office for two years, or until their successors are elected
and qualified.
"The basis of representation in the Philippine assembly is one
delegate for every 90,000 of population and one additional
delegate for a major fraction thereof: Provided, however, that
each Christian province shall be entitled to at least one
delegate and that the total number of delegates shall at no
time exceed 100. Provinces entitled to more than one delegate
are divided into districts. The law declares Manila to be a
province within the meaning of the act of Congress authorizing
the assembly, and, it is allowed the same representation as
other provinces. Thirty-four provinces are represented in the
Philippine assembly, which is composed of 80 members.
{497}
"The act of Congress requires that delegates to the assembly
shall be qualified electors of the election district in which
they may be chosen, 25 years of age, and owing allegiance to
the United States. The act of Congress prescribes that the
qualifications of electors shall be the same as those
prescribed for electors in municipal elections under laws in
force at the time of the passage of the Congressional
enactment. As the municipal election laws in force at the time
of the passage of the act of Congress have undergone some
change in regard to the qualifications of electors, the
strange anomaly is presented of having certain
qualifications exacted from municipal and provincial officials
which are not required for delegates to the assembly. One of
the results is that felons, victims of the opium habit, and
persons convicted in the court of first instance for crimes
involving moral turpitude, but whose cases are pending on
appeal, are not eligible for election to any provincial or
municipal office, but may become delegates to the assembly.
"As announced by provincial governors the elections for
assemblymen held on the 30th of July, 1907, resulted in the
election of 32 Nacionalistas, 4 Independistas, 7
Inmediatistas, 16 Progresistas, 20 Independents, and 1 Centro
Catolico. The total number of voters registered for the
assembly elections was 104,966. The number of voters
registered for the provincial and municipal elections will be
very much larger than that for the assembly elections. The
difference in registration and votes cast at the two elections
seems to show with considerable certainty that there was far
more interest in the elections for provincial and municipal
officials than there was in the election for assemblymen. …
"The delegates to the Philippine assembly, in accordance with
the call of the governor-general as prescribed by the act of
Congress, met at the Grand Opera House in the city of Manila
on the 16th day of October at 9 o’clock A. M."
Report of the Philippine Commission,
December 31, 1907
(Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, pages 810-811).
The Honorable William H. Taft, United States Secretary of War,
former Governor-General of the Philippine Islands, made the
long journey to the Islands on this occasion for the purpose
of opening the meeting of the Assembly and personally
inspecting the state of affairs. After returning, in the
following December, he made an extended report to the
President, in which he discussed the character of the Assembly
and of the parties represented in it at considerable length.
Recurring to the formation of the first political party that
arose in the Islands after they came under the control of the
United States, he said of it:
"It is a mistake to suppose that the war by the Filipinos
against the Americans had the sympathy of all the Filipinos.
On the contrary, there were many intelligent and conservative
men who favored American control and who did not believe in
the capacity of their people immediately to organize a
government which would be stable and satisfactory, but in the
face of a possible independence of the Islands, they were
still. Upon Mr. McKinley’s second election many of these
persons reached the conclusion that it was time for them to
act. Accordingly, they formed the Federal Party, the chief
platform of which was peace under American sovereignty and the
acceptance of the American promises to govern the Islands for
the benefit of the Filipinos and gradually to extend popular
self-government to the people. The Federal Party received
accessions by thousands in all parts of the Islands and in
every province, so that the Commission was enabled during the
year 1901, and under the auspices, and with the aid of, the
Federal Party, to organize civil government in some 32 or 33
provinces, or in substantially all of them. … The main purpose
and principle of the party was peace under the sovereignty of
the United States. In drafting a platform its leaders had
formulated a plank favoring the organization of the Islands
into a Territory of the United States, with a view to its
possibly becoming a State. From this plank it took its name.
In the first two or three years after its successful effort to
bring on peace, many prominent Filipinos having political
ambition became members, and in the gubernatorial elections
the great majority of governors elected were Federals. And so
substantially all who filled prominent offices in the
government by appointment, including the judges, were of that
party. Then dissension arose among prominent leaders and some
withdrew from the party. The natural opposition to a
government party led to the organization of other parties,
especially among those known as Intransigentes
[Irreconcilables]. The Federal Party had founded an organ, the
Democracia, early in its existence. The opponents of the
government looking to immediate independence founded a paper
called the Renacimiento. The latter was edited with especial
ability and with a partisan spirit against the American
Government.
"For two years before the election of the Assembly the
Filipinos who sympathized with the Renacimiento were
perfecting their organization to secure a majority in the
assembly. Many groups were formed, but they all were known as
the Partido Nacionalista. There was some difference as to
whether to this title should be added the word ‘inmediatista,’
but the great majority favored it. The party is generally
known as the Nacionalista Party. During much of these same two
years, the Federal Party was dormant. …
"Some six months before the elections, there sprung from the
ashes of the Federal Party a party which, rejecting the
statehood idea, declared itself in favor of making the
Philippines an independent nation by gradual and progressive
acquisition of governmental control until the people should
become fitted by education and practice under American
sovereignty to enjoy and maintain their complete independence.
It was called the Partido Nacionalista Progresista. It is
generally known as the Progresista Party. …
{498}
"The campaign in the last two or three months was carried on
with great vigor. The Nacionalistas had the advantage of being
understood to be against the government. This, with a people
like the Filipino people, who had been taught to regard the
government as an entity separate from the people, taxing them
and prosecuting them, was in itself a strong reason for
popular sympathy and support. The Progresistas were denounced
as a party of office-holders. The government was denounced as
extravagant and burdensome to the people. In many districts
the Nacionalista candidates promised that if they were
returned immediate independence would follow. There were quite
a number of candidates in country and remote districts where
the controversy was not heated who did not declare themselves
on the main question, and maintained an independence of any
party. They were known as Independientes. Then, there were
other Independientes who declared themselves independent of
party, but in favor of immediate independence.
"The total vote registered and cast did not exceed 104,000,
although in previous gubernatorial elections the total vote
had reached nearly 150,000. The high vote at the latter
elections may be partly explained by the fact that at the same
elections town officers were elected, and the personal
interest of many candidates drew out a larger number of
electors. But the falling off was also in part due, doubtless,
to the timidity of conservative voters, who, because of the
heat of the campaign, preferred to avoid taking sides. This is
not a permanent condition, however, and I doubt not that the
meeting of the assembly and the evident importance of its
functions when actually performed will develop a much greater
popular interest in it, and the total vote will be largely
increased at the next election.
"I opened the assembly in your name. The roll of the members
returned on the face of the record was called. An appropriate
oath was administered to all the members and the assembly
organized by selecting Señor Sergio Osmeña as its speaker or
presiding officer. Señor Osmeña has been one of the most
efficient fiscals, or prosecuting attorneys, in the Islands,
having conducted the government prosecutions in the largest
province of the Islands, the province and Island of Cebu. He
was subsequently elected governor, and by his own activity in
going into every part of the island, he succeeded in enlisting
the assistance of all the people in suppressing ladronism,
which had been rife in the mountains of Cebu for thirty or
forty years, so that to-day there is absolute peace and
tranquillity throughout the island. He is a young man, not 30,
but of great ability, shrewdness, high ideals, and yet very
practical in his methods of dealing with men and things. The
assembly could have done nothing which indicated its good
sense so strongly as the selection of Senor Osmeña as its
presiding officer. …
"As a shibboleth—as a party cry—immediate independence has
much force, because it excites the natural pride of the
people; but few of their number have ever worked out its
consequences, and when they have done so they have been
willing to postpone that question until some of the immediate
needs of the people have been met. I may be wrong, but my
judgment is that the transfer of real power, by giving to the
people part of the legislative control of the Christian
provinces, sobers their leaders with the sense of
responsibility and teaches them some of the practical
difficulties of government I do not for a moment guarantee
that there will not at times be radical action by the
Assembly, which cannot meet the approval of those who
understand the legislative needs of the Islands, but all I
wish to say is that the organization and beginning of the life
of the Assembly have disappointed its would-be critics and
have given great encouragement to those who were responsible
for its extension of political power."
Special Report of William H. Taft, Secretary of War,
to the President on the Philippines, January 23, 1908
(60th Cong. 1st Session, Senate Doc. No. 200).
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909.
Change in the Governor-General’s Office.
General James F. Smith was succeeded as Governor-General
by the Vice-Governor-General, Mr. W. Cameron Forbes, in
November, 1909.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909.
Philippine Tariff Act.
A special Message, transmitting a Philippine Tariff Bill
recommended by the Secretary of War, was sent to Congress,
April 14, by President Taft. "This measure," wrote the
President, "revises the present Philippine tariff, simplifies
it and makes it conform as nearly as possible to the
regulations of the customs laws of the United States,
especially with respect to packing and packages. The present
Philippine regulations have been cumbersome and difficult for
American merchants and exporters to comply with. Its purpose
is to meet the new conditions that will arise under the
section of the pending United States tariff bill which
provides, with certain limitations, for free trade between the
United States and the islands. It is drawn with a view to
preserving to the islands as much customs revenue as possible
and to protect in a reasonable measure those industries which
now exist in the islands.
"The bill now transmitted has been drawn by a board of tariff
experts, of which the insular collector of customs, Colonel
George R. Colton, was the president. The board held a great
many open meetings in Manila, and conferred fully with
representatives of all business interests in the Philippine
Islands. It is of great importance to the welfare of the
islands that the bill should be passed at the same time with
the pending Payne bill, with special reference to the
provisions of which it was prepared."
The Bill was passed, but certain tobacco interests secured an
important amendment in their favor.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909 (November).
Success of the Nationalists in the Election.
"Practically complete returns from the recent election
indicate that the Assembly will be composed of sixty
Nationalists, fifteen Progressists, and five Independents. The
Nationalists also gained four provincial Governors over the
number elected by that party at the last election. Similar
gains in other offices have been made by the Nationalists.
Some of the returns are still missing, but they are not likely
to make any material change in the figures given."
Press Report from Manila,
November 5, 1909.
----------PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: End--------
PICKETING:
The Labor Strikers’ Right.
Its limit.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (MARCH).
PICQUART, GENERAL.
See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
PIEROLA, NICOLAS.
See (in this Volume)
PERU.
PINCHOT, GIFFORD:
Chief of the United States Forest Service.
See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.
PINCHOT, GIFFORD:
On Threatened Water Power Trust.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
{499}
PIOUS FUND QUESTION.
Its Decision by the Hague Tribunal.
See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).
PITTSBURG: A. D. 1906-1908.
Under a Reforming Mayor.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
PITTSBURG: A. D. 1907.
Enlargement and Rededication of the Carnegie Institute.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.
PITTSBURG: A. D. 1907-1908.
The Pittsburg Survey.
A remarkable Investigation of Living Conditions.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.
PIUS X., POPE.
See (in this Volume)
PAPACY.
PLAGUE, Bubonic.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
"PLAN OF CAMPAIGN," THE.
See (in this Volume)
IRELAND: A. D. 1907.
PLATT AMENDMENT.
See (in this Volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.
PLAYGROUND MOVEMENT, THE.
The first convention of the Playground Association of America,
held at Chicago in June, 1907, was a very notable gathering,
in the character of the men and women assembled,—in the
quality of the discussion they gave to the subject of
child-development by wholesome play,—in the spirit imparted to
it by the wonderful exhibit that Chicago could make of
achievement in this new civic undertaking, and in the great
impetus it gave to the playground movement throughout the
country. The proceedings and incidents of the convention were
reported very fully in the August number of Charities and
Corrections that year.
"From one article, ‘How They Played at Chicago,’ by Mr. Graham
Romeyn Taylor, we learn that in connection with the convention
there was held a festival of sport and play, in which from
first to last ‘the play spirit was ascendant.’ More than 5000
persons participated, and among them were President Gulick, of
the national association, and Dr. Sargent, of Harvard. The
play spirit, says he, captivated every one. ‘Play, according
to students of it, means not only a good time, but from the
child’s point of view it is serious business: moreover, it has
vital significance in educational development.’ This meeting,
he claims, marks the transition of playground activity from a
more or less sporadic and disconnected series of efforts in
our larger cities to a firmly established and well organized
national movement. A better understanding of the playground
issue means better citizenship and community-life.
"President Roosevelt, honorary president, had requested that
delegations be sent to this convention from many cities, ‘to
gain inspiration from this meeting, and to see the magnificent
system that Chicago has erected in its South Park section,—one
of the most notable civic achievements of any American city.’
They came, and returned to their home cities with photographs
of the playgrounds and recreation centers in Chicago. On these
the city of Chicago has expended during the last four years
$6,500,000, and has recently appropriated $3,000,000
additional. Moreover, it has authorized $1,500,000 for similar
facilities for children on the north and west sides as well.
Each center costs about $30,000 annually. These centers
recognize that human needs transcend all other things, and
tend to develop a social spirit that one day must permeate our
commingled races."
American Review of Reviews,
September, 1907.
"According to the new Year Book [for 1910] of the Playground
Association of America, 336 municipalities in the United
States are maintaining supervised playgrounds. The actual
number of playgrounds operated in 267 of these cities last
year was 1,535. About 56 per cent. are in the area of greatest
density of population, in the North Atlantic States. The
number of cities in those States maintaining playgrounds is
149, and the number of playgrounds established in 123 of them
is 873. Massachusetts has led in the movement.
"In about 49 per cent. of the cities operating public
playgrounds, the managing authority, wholly or in part, is the
city itself, which is working through its board of education,
its park department, or other municipal bureau—or by
combining the activities of two or more departments. In
fifteen cities the Mayors have appointed special commissions,
organized, as city departments for the administration of
playgrounds, which are no longer left to the philanthropist.
"In fifty-five of the larger cities, local playground
associations have been established, and many of the smaller
towns have organized committees that will be converted into
permanent organizations. Churches, women’s clubs, Young Men’s
Christian Associations, Associated Charities, and
public-spirited men and women have contributed their help.
"An index of the interest in the movement is afforded by a
survey of figures representing the yearly expenditures for
sites, equipment, and the maintenance of playgrounds. In many
cases specific information on this point is not available, but
184 cities have sent reports stating definitely what it costs
them to operate their grounds. The total amount expended in
the year by these 184 cities is $1,353,114. In 18 per cent, of
the cities the amount of money set apart for playgrounds was
appropriated entirely by the municipality, while in 23 per
cent. the cities combined with private organizations."
New York Evening Post,
January 5, 1910.
In England, or in London, at least, the movement has been set
on foot by an "Evening Play Centres Committee," of which Mrs.
Humphry Ward is Chairman. The object of the Committee, as
stated by Mrs. Ward, is "to open the school buildings in
winter for play, exercise, and handwork, as an alternative to
the streets, to children after school hours; and in summer to
organize the playgrounds, as is now so largely done in America
and Canada"; but thus far its success appears to have been
mostly in the opening of indoor play centres for evening
entertainment.
PLAZA, GENERAL LEONIDAS:
President of Ecuador.
See (in this Volume)
ECUADOR.
PLEHVE, M. V. de:
Defence of Russian Measures in Finland.
See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1901.
PLEHVE, M. V. de:
Russian Minister of the Interior.
His atrocious administration.
His assassination.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
PLURAL VOTING, BELGIAN.
See (in this Volume)
BELGIUM: A. D. 1902 and 1904.
See in Volume VI.,
BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.
See in Volume I.,
CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.
{500}
POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:
On Russian Discontent.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.
POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:
Resignation.
See (in this Volume)
Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.
POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:
Death, March 23, 1907.
POGROMS: Massacres.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
POLAR EXPLORATION: Arctic: A. D. 1901-1910.
Three Expeditions of Commander Peary.
His Final Triumph.
The astounding Imposture of Dr. Cook, Pretender to an
attainment of the Pole a Year in Advance of Peary.
Other Arctic Explorations of the Decade.
When the record of Polar Exploration was closed in Volume VI.
of this work, on its going to press in the spring of 1901,
Commander Robert E. Peary had been working within the Arctic
Circle for three years, with no respite, and the Peary Arctic
Club was sending a vessel, the Erik, to make inquiries
about him. He was found to have proved that Greenland is
surrounded by water at the north, and to have further
undertakings in hand. He remained another year, in the course
of which he made the nearest approach to the Pole that had yet
been accomplished, going directly north from Cape Hecla and
reaching latitude 84° 17'. Returning to the coast, he was met
and brought home, after an absence of four years. In July,
1905, he sailed northward again, equipped with a vessel, the
Roosevelt, built expressly for his use. After
wintering on the north coast of Grant Land, he started once
more with sledges and dogs toward the Pole, and this time
pressed his way to 87° 6' of latitude, or within a little more
than 200 miles of the Arctic hub. Then he was forced to turn
back, with scant supplies, killing his dogs for food. Once
more, in July, 1908, Commander Peary set his face Arcticward,
on the staunch Roosevelt, with two scientific
companions, and equipped himself at Etah with Eskimos and dogs
for another journey across the ice-fields, from some point on
the Grant Land coast.
Two expeditions were fitted out in 1901 and 1903, by Mr.
Ziegler, of New York, the former under Evelyn B. Baldwin, the
latter under Anthony Fiala. The latter reached latitude 82°
13', remaining in the Arctic regions until the summer of 1905.

In June, 1903, Captain Roald Amundsen, of Norway, sailed from
Christiania in the small sloop Gjoa, beginning a voyage which
carried him entirely through the Northwest Passage from Baffin
Bay to Bering Strait and which occupied three years. Much of
that time, however, was devoted to studies and searches of
great value in determining the location of the Magnetic Pole.
In 1905 the ranks of the Arctic explorers were joined by the
Duke of Orleans, who sailed from Christiania in May, in the
Belgica, commanded by Lieutenant de Gerlache. In 1907, Mr.
John R. Bradley, of New York, supplied Dr. Frederick A. Cook
with equipments for an attempt to reach the North Pole, and
accompanied him in a schooner yacht to Annatok, a little north
of Etah, in North Greenland, where the Doctor, with one white
man, Rudolph Francke, were landed, with their supplies, to
begin the undertaking. Several attempts were made in
successive years by Mr. Walter Wellman to make the journey to
the Pole from Spitzbergen by a dirigible airship. Each of
them, down to 1909, was frustrated by misfortunes of
circumstance or weather. A tragically ended survey of the
northeast coast of Greenland was accomplished in 1906-1907 by Dr.
Mylius Erichsen and Lieutenant Hagen-Hagen, who perished while
groping their way southward in the growing darkness of the
approaching winter. These fill out the important items of the
record of Arctic exploration, since April, 1901, down to the
1st of September, 1909.
On that day the whole world was startled and excited by a
message, flashed first to Lerwick, in the Shetland Islands,
from a passing Danish steamer, the Hans Egede, and thence to
all corners of the earth, saying:
"We have on board the American traveller, Dr. Cook, who
reached the North Pole April 21, 1908. Dr. Cook arrived at
Upernivik (the northernmost Danish settlement in Greenland, on
an island off the west coast) in May of 1909 from Cape York
(in the northwest part of Greenland, on Baffin Bay). The
Eskimos of Cape York confirm Dr. Cook’s story of his journey."
The next day brought a cabled announcement from Dr. Cook
himself, to the New York Herald, briefly telling of his
triumph, "after a prolonged fight against famine and frost,"
and describing the emotions with which he had found himself at
the goal which so many had striven vainly to attain. "What a
cheerless spot," he moralized, "to have aroused the ambition
of man for so many ages! An endless field of purple snows. No
life. No land. No spot to relieve the monotony of frost. We
were the only pulsating creatures in a dead world of ice."
Two days later the hero was landed at Copenhagen, and all the
excited world devoured graphic descriptions of his reception
by the enthusiastic Danes: by the Crown Prince, who hastened
to welcome him before he had stepped from the ship; by the
crowds who cheered him; by the King, who dined him; by the
University of Copenhagen which awarded him an honorary degree,
and whose faculty he made happy and proud by the promise that
it should be the first to examine the record of his
observations and the proofs in general that he had reached the
Pole.
Two more days passed, and then the climax of this world-spread
excitement and astonishment was marked by another
radio-electric flash of news out of the Arctic North,—this
time from the American North,—proclaiming another conquest of
the icy fortress of the Pole. It spoke "to the Associated
Press, New York," from "Indian Harbor, via Cape Ray, Nova
Scotia," saying: "Stars and Stripes nailed to North Pole.
Peary." It reached New York a little after noon of September
6th, and before night, everywhere, people in all languages
were asking each other: "Is it possible that two men have
suddenly done what none have been able to do before?"
{501}
Other messages from Commander Peary which soon followed the
first one fixed the date of his attainment of the Pole as
having been April 6, 1909,—being fifteen days less than a year
after Dr. Cook claimed to have planted the American flag at
the same spot. They brought angry denunciations, too, of
Cook’s pretension, which Peary had learned of from the
Esquimaux in the North. "Cook’s story," he said in one
despatch, "should not be taken too seriously. The two
Esquimaux who accompanied him say he went no distance north
and not outside of land. Other members of the tribe confirm
their story." In another he declared: "Cook has sold the
public a gold brick." Dr. Cook, meantime, gave out expressions
as to Peary’s achievement very different in temper and tone.
He had no doubt that Commander Peary had reached the Pole; but
he, Cook, had been fortunately the first to enjoy the
favorable conditions which gave success to them both. His
magnanimity, his coolness, his easy self-confidence, in
contrast with Peary’s words and bearing, won public admiration
and sympathy, and the majority in most communities inclined
strongly, for a time, to the judgment that both explorers had
done what they said they did, but that Cook, in character, was
the more estimable man. When he arrived in New York, on the
21st of September, that city gave him almost as wild a hero
worship as Copenhagen had done. Commander Peary was then just
landing at Sydney, Nova Scotia, and it was some weeks before
he would proceed to New York, or put himself at all in the way
of receiving any public demonstrations of honor.
But grounds of skepticism as to Dr. Cook were acquiring a
rapid multiplication. When he published his story in detail,
or told it in lectures, it started questions which people
having critical knowledge insisted that he must answer if he
could; but he made no attempt. He was in no haste to produce
the records which he had insisted would prove his claims
beyond a doubt. He required weeks of time to prepare them for
examination, and they must go to the University of Copenhagen
before any other tribunal of science could see them.
Meanwhile, he was harvesting large gains from lectures and
newspaper publications, and seemed more interested in that
pursuit than in the vindication of his questioned honor.
Hence, suspicion of him grew, until it made itself heard and
felt at last with a force which drove the Doctor to put his
professed proofs in shape and send them by the hand of his
secretary, Mr. Lonsdale, to Copenhagen. Before they reached
their destination he, himself, disappeared mysteriously from
public view, nervously shattered, it was said, and seeking
some hidden place of refuge abroad. Reports of him from
various places in both Europe and South America have not been
verified, and his whereabouts are still (March, 1910) a
mystery.
On the 21st of December the report of the scientific committee
of Copenhagen University, to which the records forwarded by
Dr. Cook were submitted, was made public by the University
Council. "The report, which was sent in by the committee on
December 18, states that the following papers were submitted
to it for investigation:—
"1. A type-written report by Mr. Lonsdale on Dr. Cook’s Arctic
voyage, consisting of 61 folios.
"2. A type written copy of 16 folios, made by Mr. Lonsdale,
comprising the note-books brought back by Dr. Cook from his
journey and covering the period from March 18 to June 13,
1908, stated to have been written on the way from Svartevaag
to the Pole and back until a place west of Heibergsland was
reached. …
"The committee points out as a result of its investigations
that the aforementioned report of the journey is essentially
identical with that published some time ago in the New York
Herald, and that the copy of the note-books did not
contain astronomical records, but only results. In fact, the
committee remarks that there are no elucidatory statements
which might have rendered it probable that astronomical
observations were really taken. Neither is the practical side
—namely, the sledge journey—illuminated by details in such a
way as to enable the committee to form an opinion. The
committee therefore considers that from the material submitted
no proof can be adduced that Dr. Cook reached the North Pole.
"The council of the University accordingly declares as a
result of the committee’s report that the documents submitted
to Copenhagen University contain no observations or
explanations to prove that Dr. Cook on his last Polar journey
reached the North Pole."
That Commander Peary had accomplished at last the object of
his indomitable striving was never in doubt. His own testimony
to the fact had sufficed from the beginning, and the decision
rendered on the 3d of November by a committee of the National
Geographic Society, which examined the records of his march to
the Pole, added nothing to the public belief. But his laurels
had been lamentably blighted by the atmosphere of scandal,
wrangle, and disgust with which Cook’s monstrous imposture had
vulgarized the whole feeling that attended the exploit.
The incidents of the final Peary expedition, from start to
finish, were summarized by the Commander in a message from
Battle Harbor to the London Times, September 8, as
follows:
"The Roosevelt left New York on July 6, 1908. She left
Sydney on July 17th; arrived at Cape York, Greenland, on
August 1st; left Etah, Greenland, on August 8th; arrived at
Cape Sheridan, Grant Land, on September 1st, and wintered at
Cape Sheridan. The sledge expedition left the Roosevelt on February 15th, 1909, and started north of Cape Columbia on
March 1st. It passed the British record on March 2d; was
delayed by open water on March 2d and 3d; was held up by open
water from March 4th to March 11th; crossed the 84th parallel
on March 11th and encountered an open lead on March 15th;
crossed the 85th parallel on March 18th; crossed the 86th
parallel on March 22d and encountered an open lead on March
33d [23d?]; passed the Norwegian record on March 23d; passed
the Italian record on March 24th and encountered an open lead
on March 26th; crossed the 87th parallel on March 27th; passed
the American record on March 28th and encountered a lead on
March 28th; held up by open water on March 29th; crossed the
88th parallel on April 2d; crossed the 89th parallel on April
4th, and reached the North Pole on April 6th.
"On returning we left the pole on April 7th; reached Camp
Columbia on April 23d, arriving on board the Roosevelt on April 27th. The Roosevelt left Cape Sheridan on July
18th, passed Cape Sabine on August 8th, left Cape York on
August 26th and arrived at Indian Harbor.
"All the members of the expedition are returning in good
health except Professor Ross G. Martin, who unfortunately
drowned on April 10th, 45 miles north of Cape Columbia, while
returning from 86 degrees north latitude in command of a
supporting party."
{502}
POLAR EXPLORATION: Antarctic:
English, German, Swedish, and Scottish Expeditions.
The Successes of Lieutenant Shackleton.
When the account of Polar Exploration in Volume VI. of this
work was closed, in April, 1901, several expeditions to the
Antarctic region were reported as being under preparation, in
England, Germany, and Sweden. The English expedition, for
which the ship Discovery was being fitted out, sailed
on the 6th of August, 1901, under the command of Captain
Robert F. Scott, with Lieutenant Ernest H. Shackleton of the
British Navy as second in command. Its object was a further
exploration of the great mountainous region named Victoria
Land, which Captain James Ross had discovered half a century
before. This coast the Discovery reached in January,
1902, and followed it southward, to and beyond the Erebus
volcano, skirting the Great Ice Barrier which stretches far
eastward, seeming to forbid a penetration of the frozen
territory it hems in. In this survey the British explorers
reached an unvisited section, which they named King Edward
Land. They wintered that year near Mount Erebus, pushing
sledge expeditions southward over the snow fields, finding a
more upheaved and broken surface of land, less ice-capped,
than is the common feature of the Arctic polar zone. In the
longest of these sledge-trips the latitude of 82° 17' S. was
attained,—far beyond any previous approach to the southern
pole, but still more than 500 miles from that goal. Through a
second winter the Discovery was held fast in the ice,
with considerable sickness among officers and men,
notwithstanding which important additions to their survey of
the region were made. In January, 1904, they were reached by
two relief ships, and escaped from the ice in the following
month, arriving at New Zealand not long after.
The German expedition commanded by Dr. Drygalski, left Kiel
August 11, 1901, borne by the steamer Gauss, built
specially for battling with ice. In January, 1902, it took on
stores at Kerguelen Island, and proceeded thence to a point in
the Antarctic Circle far eastward of that chosen by the British
explorers, being within the region of the discoveries made by
Captain Wilkes, about sixty years before, and indefinitely
named Wilkes Land. It was the purpose of Dr. Drygalski to
establish a station on the section of this unexplored
territory known as Termination Land and from thence make
thorough surveys. He failed, however, to find the supposed
land in its expected place, and was unfortunately frozen in
for a year, with sledge expeditions baffled by the violence of
winter storms. In geographical exploration the Gauss party seem to have accomplished little, but they made rich
collections of scientific data. As soon as they were freed
from the ice they received orders from Berlin to return home.
The Swedish expedition, under Dr. Otto Nordenskjöld, left
Europe in October, 1901, in the ship Antarctic,
destined for Graham Land, south of the South American
continent. There, on the east coast of that land, in Admiralty
Inlet, Dr. Nordenskjöld established winter quarters in
February, 1902, and the Antarctic was sent to South
America, to return thence some months later.
A Scottish expedition, under Dr. W. S. Bruce, in the steamer
Scotia, was sent out in October, 1903, for special
oceanographic investigations in Weddell Sea,—south of the
Atlantic Ocean.
All previous Antarctic explorations were eclipsed, in 1908-1909,
by that of Lieutenant Shackleton, commanding the barkentine
Nimrod, a converted whaling vessel, much smaller than the
Discovery, on which Lieutenant Shackleton had
accompanied Captain Scott to the same region some years
before. The Nimrod sailed from England in July, 1907, and from
New Zealand on New Year Day, 1908, going to the same section
of the Arctic Circle that the Discovery had sought.
Winter quarters were established at a point about twenty miles
north of the spot where Scott and Shackleton had wintered in
1902-1903. One of the first achievements of the party was the
ascent of Mount Erebus by six of the scientists of the
expedition, who began their difficult climb on the 5th of
March. Caught in a blizzard on the second day of their
undertaking, they had to lie in their sleeping bags for thirty
hours; but they made their way to the summit and looked down
into the live fire of the crater. The party making this ascent
were Lieutenant Adams, R. N. R. (geologist). Sir Philip
Brocklehurst (surveyor and map maker), Professor David, of
Sydney University, Mr. A. Forbes Mackay, assistant surgeon,
Mr. Eric Marshall, surgeon and cartographer, and Mr. Marson a
scientist of Adelaide. Early in the spring the sledging
journeys were begun.
Speaking at a reception given to him by the Royal Geographical
Society, on his return to England in June, 1909, Lieutenant
Shackleton gave a brief account of the most important of these
journeys, led by himself, with Lieutenant Adams, geologist,
Surgeon Eric Marshall, and a third companion named Wild. The
march of the party was directly toward the Pole:
"On December 3 they climbed a mountain 4,000 feet high, and
from its summit saw what they believed to be a royal road to
the Pole—an enormous glacier stretching southwards. There was
only one pony left at this time, and, taking this animal with
them, they started the ascent of the glacier, which proved to
be seamed with crevasses. Progress became very slow, for
disaster threatened at every step. On December 7 the remaining
pony was lost down a crevasse, very nearly taking Wild and a
sledge with it. Finally the party gained the inland plateau,
at an altitude of over 10,000 feet, and started across the
great white snow plain towards the Pole.
"They were short of food, and had cut down their rations to an
absolute minimum; the temperature at the high altitude
was extremely low, and all their spare clothing had been
deposited lower down the glacier in order to save weight. On
January 6, [1909], they reached latitude 88' 8" south [88°
8'?], after having taken the risk of leaving a depot of stores
on the plateau, out of sight of all land. Then a blizzard
swept down upon them, and for two days they were unable to
leave their tent, while, owing to their weakened condition and
the intense cold, they suffered from frostbite even in their
sleeping bags. When the blizzard moderated on January 9 they
felt that they had reached their limit of endurance, for their
strength was greatly reduced and the food was almost done.
They therefore left the camp standing, and pushing on for five
hours, planted Queen Alexandra’s flag in 88' 23" south [88°
23'?], took possession of the plateau for the King, and turned
their faces north again.
{503}
"Mr. Shackleton described the difficulties of the journey back
to the coast, when the men were desperately short of food and
nearly worn out, and attacks of dysentery added to their
troubles. … One day on the Barrier they were unable to march
at all, being prostrated with dysentery, and they reached each
depot with their food finished. On February 23, however, they
reached a depot prepared for them by a party from the ship,
and on March 1 Mr. Shackleton and Wild reached the
Nimrod. Mr. Shackleton at once led a relief party back
to get Adams and Marshall, the latter having been unable to
continue the march owing to dysentery, and on March 4 all the
men were safe on board."
"Lieutenant Shackleton has essentially solved the problem of
the position of the South Pole," said the London Times in comments on the expedition; "he may be said, indeed, to
have been actually within sight of it on a dreary plateau some
10,000 ft. above sea level. He has been as successful in
solving the problem of the South Pole as Nansen was in solving
that of the character of the ocean which surrounds the North
Pole."
An expedition to complete what Lieutenant Shackleton came so
near to accomplishing is being prepared in Great Britain, with
intention to sail in July, 1910. It will be commanded by
Captain Scott, of the expedition of 1901. The British
Government contributes $100,000 to the cost. American and
German expeditions are also being prepared.
POLES, THE: Germany: A. D. 1902-1908.
Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces of Prussia.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (MARCH-MAY), 1906-1907, and 1908.
POLES, THE: Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.
Revolutionary Disturbances in.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
POLES, THE: A. D. 1906.
Their Present Condition.
"The Polish question … resolves itself into a struggle between
the local Russian Government, the Patriot, and the Socialists.
The local Government though harassed and worried by the
Socialists, is secure from any great disaster until the latter
have won over all the troops, or the Russian soldier forgets
his hatred for the Pole. The Socialists, well organised and
energetic, are carrying out their programme with a tenacity
which would be astonishing were it not for the fact that the
Jewish element predominates in their ranks.
"The Polish Patriot seems to be in the worst case of all; for
his hopes are centred on the programme of a party which is
without efficient leaders and without the slightest chance of
obtaining its demands from the existing Russian Government.
The one ray of light on his political horizon is the fact that
liberal Russia has expressed sympathy for his wrongs, and
promised to redress them as soon as circumstances will allow,
but even the most sanguine Patriot admits that his new ally
has many battles to win before this promise can be fulfilled.
Meanwhile, he is engaged in an unequal struggle with the
Socialists and their allies, the anarchists."
B. C. Baskerville,
The Present Condition of Poland
(Fortnightly Review, October, 1906).
POLK, Van Leer:
Delegate to Third International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
POLLARD PLAN, OF JUDICIAL DEALING WITH DRUNKARDS.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS.
POLTAVA PROVINCE, Peasant Doings in.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1902.
POOLING, OF RAILWAY RATES.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.
POOR LAWS, WORKING OF THE ENGLISH.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY.
POPES.
See (in this Volume and Volume IV.)
PAPACY.
PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1904-1905.
Siege and Capture in the Russo-Japanese War.
See(in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-July) and (February-August);
also A. D. 1904-1905 (May-January).
PORTER, HORACE:
Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
PORTER, HORACE:
Search for and Recovery, at Paris, of the Remains
of John Paul Jones.
See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).
PORTLAND, OREGON: A. D. 1905.
The Lewis and Clark Exposition.
"The Lewis and Clark Centennial and American Pacific
Exposition and Oriental Fair" (to give its full of fecial
title), conducted at Portland from the beginning of June until
the middle of October, 1905, in commemoration of the first
exploration of the American Continent from the Mississippi to
the Pacific, was one of the most interesting and attractive of
the undertakings of its kind in the last decade. Specially as
an exhibit of the wonderful natural resources of the great
Northwest, and of the more wonderful rapidity of their
exploitation, it seemed wholly satisfying to all who visited
it. The reclamation work of the United States Government,
shown elaborately by models and otherwise in the Irrigation
Building of the extensive national exhibit, afforded a feature
of uncommon attractiveness. The associated Forestry Building,
with its walls of mighty logs and its grand pillars of firs
and cedars, six and seven feet in diameter, was a piece of
unique architecture that drew all eyes. "The Oregon
Cathedral," it came to be called. In metals, minerals, fruits
and grains, the wealth of the Northwest was astonishingly
displayed; and the Japanese from the farther side of the
Pacific made the most of the opportunity to spread their
artistic wares before American buyers.
The scenic setting of the Exposition grounds, on the border of
a lake and with a background of hill rising from Willamette
River, was a theme of praise in all reports of it.
{504}
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901-1905.
Change of Qualifications for the Elective Franchise.
The fundamental provisions of the Act of Congress, approved
April 12, 1900, under which the government of Porto Rico as a
dependency of the United States was organized, will be found
in Volume VI of this work.
See
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (APRIL).
The Act has received amendment since, making one important
organic change. The Executive Council which it created was
authorized to fix the qualifications of voters for the first
election of a Legislative Assembly. The suffrage in that
election, held in 1900, was conferred by the Council on every
male citizen of twenty-one years, resident in the island for
one year and for six months in his municipal district, "who is
able to read and write, or who, on September 1, 1900, owned
real estate in his own right and name, or who on said date was
a member of a firm or corporation or partnership, or who on
September 1, 1900, owned personal property in his own right or
name not less in value than twenty-five dollars." The results
of the election held under that rule, and a brief summary of
the doings of the Legislative Assembly at its first session,
which opened on the 3d of December, 1900, and closed on the
31st of January, 1901, are given in Volume VI.
"At its second session, in 1902, the Legislative Assembly
availed itself of the power given to it by the organic act and
passed a law for the government of future elections. This act
followed closely the provisions of the orders that had been
issued by the executive council. The system created is similar
to that in the American States which have adopted the
Australian ballot. As regards the franchise, the only change
made was that the provision which gave the right to vote to
persons owning personal property to the value of twenty-five
dollars was dropped and in its place was substituted the
provision conferring the franchise upon those persons meeting
the conditions as regards age and residence who on the day of
registration are able to produce to the board of registry tax
receipts showing the payment of any kind of taxes for the last
six months of the year in which the election is held. The law
also provided that all persons who were registered during the
year 1900 would not be required to register anew or have to
meet the new requirements of the law. This was the law under
which the second election in 1902 was held. In 1904 the law
underwent a very important alteration as regards the
qualifications for the enjoyment of the electoral franchise.
By this new law the three conditions—ability to read and
write, ownership of real estate, or payment of taxes—any one
of which qualified a male citizen of Porto Rico who had
resided in the island one year and in the district in which he
offered to register for six months immediately preceding, to
vote, were until July 1, 1906, wiped out, leaving only the
conditions regarding sex, age and residence to be met in order
to qualify a voter. After that date the additional
qualification of being able to read and write must be met. The
result of this amendment to the law is to provide for
universal manhood suffrage until July 1, 1906, after which no
new name can be added to the registration list unless its
owner is able to read and write. Those persons, however, who
are properly registered before that date are not required to
offer themselves for registration, but continue to enjoy the
full rights of the franchise."
W. F. Willoughby,
Territories and Dependencies of the United States.
page 95 (Century Company, New York, 1905).
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1905.
Extension of Local Government asked for.
A convention of municipal delegates, chosen by the elective
municipal councils of the island, assembled at San Juan in
July, 1905, formulated a request to the Government of the
United States for a broadening of the fundamental law of 1900,
which "would largely transfer the control of the local
government to their own people. The Governor would remain a
Presidential appointee, but the appointments by the Governor
would be subject in many cases to revision by a locally
elected Senate, except the courts, which would remain as now,
for the most part, under our direct control. In other words,
the legislative, and largely the administrative functions,
subject to the limitations of the Organic Act, would be
exercised by the Porto Ricans. The courts, of our own
choosing, would construe limitations on these powers, and the
Governor, with his police and militia, would be solely
responsible for order and the lawful execution of lawful
mandates."
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.
Visited by President Roosevelt.
His account of it.
"On November twenty-first I visited the island of Porto Rico,
landing at Ponce, crossing by the old Spanish road by Cayey to
San Juan, and returning next morning over the new American
road from Arecibo to Ponce; the scenery was wonderfully
beautiful, especially among the mountains of the interior,
which constitute a veritable tropic Switzerland. I could not
embark at San Juan because the harbor has not been dredged out
and cannot receive an American battle ship. I do not think
this fact creditable to us as a nation, and I earnestly hope
that immediate provision will be made for dredging San Juan
Harbor.
"I doubt whether our people as a whole realize the beauty and
fertility of Porto Rico and the progress that has been made
under its admirable government. …
"I stopped at a dozen towns all told, and one of the notable
features in every town was the gathering of the school
children. The work that has been done in Porto Rico for
education has been noteworthy. The main emphasis, as is
eminently wise and proper, has been put upon primary
education; but in addition to this there is a normal school,
an agricultural school, three industrial and three high
schools. Every effort is being made to secure not only the
benefits of elementary education to all the Porto Ricans of
the next generation, but also as far as means will permit to
train them so that the industrial, agricultural and commercial
opportunities of the island can be utilized to the best
possible advantage. It was evident, at a glance, that the
teachers, both Americans and native Porto Ricans, were devoted
to their work, took the greatest pride in it, and were
endeavoring to train their pupils not only in mind, but in
what counts for far more than mind in citizenship—that is, in
character.
"I was very much struck by the excellent character both of the
insular police and of the Porto Rican regiment. They are both
of them bodies that reflect credit upon the American
administration of the island. The insular police are under the
local Porto Rican government. The Porto Rican regiment of
troops must be appropriated for by the Congress. I earnestly
hope that this body will be kept permanent. There should
certainly be troops in the island, and it is wise that these
troops should be themselves native Porto Ricans. It would be
from every standpoint a mistake not to perpetuate this
regiment. …
{505}
"There is a matter to which I wish to call your special
attention, and that is the desirability of conferring full
American citizenship upon the people of Porto Rico. I most
earnestly hope that this will be done. I cannot see how any
harm can possibly result from it, and it seems to me a matter
of right and justice to the people of Porto Rico. They are
loyal, they are glad to be under our flag, they are making
rapid progress along the path of orderly liberty. Surely we
should now show our appreciation of them, our pride in what
they have done, and our pleasure in extending recognition for
what has thus been done by granting them full American
citizenship. …
"The Porto Ricans have complete and absolute autonomy in all
their municipal governments, the only power over them
possessed by the insular government being that of removing
corrupt or incompetent municipal officials. This power has
never been exercised save on the clearest proof of corruption
or of incompetence such as to jeopardize the interests of the
people of the island; and under such circumstances it has been
fearlessly used to the immense benefit of the people. It is
not a power with which it would be safe, for the sake of the
island itself, to dispense at present. The lower house is
absolutely elective, while the upper house is appointive. This
scheme is working well; no injustice of any kind results from
it, and great benefit to the island, and it should certainly
not be changed at this time. The machinery of the elections is
administered entirely by the Porto Rican people themselves,
the governor and council keeping only such supervision as is
necessary in order to secure an orderly election. Any protest
as to electoral frauds is settled in the courts."
Theodore Roosevelt,
Message to Congress
(Congressional Record, December 11, 1906).
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1908.
Ten Years of Progress.
"Ten years ago exports from Porto Rico to the United States
were valued at $2,414,356, while in the fiscal year ending
June 30, 1908, they were $25,891,261. The new figures show a
probable further increase for 1909. In 1898, less than
$3,000,000 worth of sugar was exported, and to-day shipments
are more than $14,000,000. In coffee, once the leading staple,
increase is also marked, although sugar now holds first place.
"Four hundred and thirty-five miles of macadamized roads, in
good repair, now make communication easy between San Juan and
Ponce and cities on the west coast. Two-thirds of the roads
have been built since the occupation. The railroad around the
island, projected by the Spanish, but delayed year by year, is
now built, and harbor improvements have been made in San Juan
and Ponce. More than a thousand public schools are educating
the Porto Rican children—and sometimes their parents. The net
public debt is now less than $3,000,000 or less than 21 per
cent. of the assessed valuation, and the bulk of this money
has been spent in public improvements."
Porto Rico Correspondent New York Evening Post,
March 27, 1909.
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1909.
Modification of the Fundamental Act.
In a special Message to Congress, May 10, 1909, President Taft
called attention to the failure of the Legislative Assembly of
Porto Rico to pass the usual appropriation bills, leaving the
government of the island without support after the 30th of the
next June. In his opinion, the situation indicated that the
United States had proceeded too fast in extending political
power to the Porto Ricans, and that the full control of
appropriations should be withdrawn from those "who have shown
themselves too irresponsible to enjoy it." He suggested,
therefore, an amendment of the fundamental act, known as the
Foraker Act, to provide that when the legislative assembly
shall adjourn without making the appropriation necessary to
carry on the government, sums equal to the appropriations made
in the previous year for the respective purposes shall be
available from the current revenues, and shall be drawn by the
warrant of the auditor on the treasurer and countersigned by
the Governor. Such a provision applies to the Legislatures of
the Philippines and Hawaii and "it has prevented in those two
countries any misuse of the power of appropriation." An
amendatory Act was passed in accordance with the President’s
suggestion.
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1909.
Change in the Governorship.
In September, 1909, Governor Regis H. Post resigned his
office, and was succeeded by Mr. George R. Colton, who had had
previous experience, both civil and military, in the
Philippines and in Santo Domingo. The Secretary of the island
underwent a change, also, Mr. Willoughby being called to
Washington to take the duties of Assistant Director of the
Census, and his place in Porto Rico being filled by Mr. George
Cabot Ward.
PORTSMOUTH, Peace Treaty of:
Circumstances and Text.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906.
At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.
See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
A "rotative" system of Party Government and its results.
King Carlos assumes dictatorial authority.
His Minister, Senhor Franco.
Murder of the King and Crown Prince.
Succession of King Manuel.
Recent Ministries.
For many years prior to 1906 Portugal had been governed by two
political parties, calling themselves the Regeneradors and the
Progressistas, who, it has been said, "relieved one another in
office, and in the spoils of office, at decent intervals, by a
tacit arrangement between their leaders." This regular
ministerial rotation led to the popular nickname of Rotativos,
applied to both parties, and significant of the contempt in
which they were held. The rotative system of party government,
"while ensuring a comfortable livelihood to a class of
professional politicians, was of no conspicuous benefit to the
country, and it was with a view to ending it that King Carlos
summoned Senhor João Franco, in May, 1906, to form a ministry.
Senhor Franco, who belonged to neither of the recognized
parties, set his hand zealously to the work of reform, but his
attempts to purge the Administration soon brought him into
conflict with powerful vested interests; and in May, 1907, the
politicians whose livelihoods he was reforming away united
against him in a policy of obstruction which made
Parliamentary government impossible.
{506}
He then dissolved the Cortes, and with the approval of the
King assumed the position of dictator. His work of reform
thenceforth proceeded apace. Drastic decrees, each aimed at
some abuse, followed one another with amazing rapidity. Strong
in the support of the King and of the best elements in the
country, execrated by the politicians whom he had spoiled, and
by the Press which he had done nothing to conciliate, he
continued on his headlong course, and at the end of January,
1908, he signed a decree practically amounting to a suspension
of civil liberties."
Lisbon Correspondence,
London Times.
A tragedy followed quickly. On the 1st day of February, 1908,
the King, Dom Carlos, and the Crown Prince, Luiz Felipe, as
they rode through the streets of Lisbon, with the Queen and a
younger son in the same carriage, and attended by an escort,
were attacked by a throng of assassins and killed. The younger
prince was wounded; the Queen escaped by a miracle, one of the
assassins having been shot at the instant his pistol was aimed
at her. The two princes fought bravely, and the Queen threw
herself in front of her husband, attempting vainly to shield
him.
Prince Manuel, whose wound was not serious, succeeded to the
throne; but "the shots that killed Dom Carlos and Dom Luiz on
February 1 swept away the dictatorship of Senhor Franco and
the whole fabric which he had built up at so much cost during
18 months. Within a few hours of the murder Senhor Franco
resigned, under pressure, it is said, and left the country,
declaring that he had done with politics for ever. From being
the saviour of his country, the admiration of all enlightened
men, both at home and abroad, he became a pariah. His
supporters became mute and his system vanished. From that day
to this his followers have had no more than three or four
seats in the Chamber, where they have remained voiceless and
without influence on the course of events.
"That a seemingly vulgar crime should have so disproportionate
an effect was strange, and no less strange was the attitude of
the country. Whether owing to the widely entertained suspicion
that the murderers of the King were the tools of more
important personages whom it would not be safe to discover, or
to the fear of a Republican rising felt by the moderate and
respectable members of the community, is still a matter of
opinion; the fact remains that society lost its nerve. No
burst of indignation, no adequate expression of sympathy for
the Royal Family was heard; no steps were taken to trace the
authors of the crime. … The disappearance of Senhor Franco
left the two old ‘rotativist’ parties in presence, the
Progressistas under Senhor Luciano de Castro, and the
Regeneradores under Senhor Vilhena, the recently elected
successor of the veteran Hintze Ribeiro. Compared to these,
neither the Republicans, whose strength was supposed to be
considerable in the country, nor the ‘dissident’
Progressistas, under Senhor Alpoim, were of any account as
Parliamentary factors. A coalition Government was formed on
March 4, under Admiral Ferreira do Amaral, consisting of two
Regeneradores, two Progressistas, and two so-called
Independents, personal adherents of the Premier, who resembled
him in having no marked political ideals or convictions. The
elections, which took place in April, returned 62
Regeneradores and 59 Progressistas, thus starting the
Government on its career with the handsome following of 121 in
a House of 155. The matters with which the Government had to
deal were mainly three—namely, the revision of the decrees
issued by Senhor Franco as Dictator, the question of the Civil
List and of the advances made by the nation to the Royal
Family, and electoral reform. The Civil List was successfully
settled, but little progress had been made with the remainder
of the programme when the first serious defection occurred.
During the recess the Government announced that the municipal
elections, which had been suspended by Senhor Franco in favour
of nominated councils, would be held again in November, a
decision bitterly attacked by Senhor Vilhena, who announced
that the Regeneradores could no longer support the Government.
The elections were duly held, and, owing to the deliberate
abstention of the Monarchist parties, the Republicans captured
unopposed every seat on the Lisbon council. The unpopularity
incurred by the Government on account of this unnecessary gift
to the common enemy brought about a Government crisis. Admiral
Amaral referred the matter to the Council of State, who, to
his great surprise and annoyance, advised the resignation of
the Government. The Premier and his two independents
accordingly retired, and the Cabinet was reconstituted under
Senhor Campos Henriques, who together with Senhor Wenceslao de
Lima, Minister of Foreign Affairs, continued to represent the
Regenerador party. The late Premier’s ‘Independents’ made way
for the Progressistas, who thus held five seats in the Cabinet
to two held by the Regeneradores. Senhor Vilhena, who had
brought about the fall of the late Government, was not offered
a seat in the new one, and he immediately resumed his
opposition; but on this occasion he only carried two-thirds of
his party with him, 22 members deciding to support the
Government. This defection of the Regeneradores under Senhor
Vilhena, the first serious indication of a return to the old
system of ‘rotativism,’ was shortly followed by that of the
late Premier and his ‘Independents,’ so that when the Cortes
met on March 1, [1909], the imposing Government majority of a
year before had dwindled to 10 or 15."
Then followed daily scenes of disorder and obstruction in
Parliament until Senhor Campos Henriques surrendered, at the
end of March. As The Times correspondent expressed it,
"as soon as the Opposition in the Lower House expressed its
impatience by a banging of desks, while its leader in the
House of Peers solemnly affirmed the ‘incompatibility’ of his
party with the Government, Ministers determined to avoid all
further unpleasantness by resigning." The resignation was
accepted by the King, and three party leaders in succession
made attempts in the next month to conduct the Government,
without success. Senhor Sebastiäo Telles held the reins for
three weeks, and then passed them to Senhor Wenceslao de Lima,
who framed up a nominally non-party Ministry on the 13th of
May. Senhor De Lima conducted the Government until the
following December, when, on the 19th, he resigned, and a
"Progressist Ministry" was formed, under Senhor Beirao.
London Times Correspondence of various Dates.
{507}
Writing from Lisbon on the 5th of January, 1910, the
Times correspondent said:
"It is the Republicans who alone seem to be making progress.
Their activities are unceasing, their newspapers the best
informed and most ably conducted, their meetings, held all
over the land, the most largely attended and most
enthusiastic. At the same hour as that of the Royal reception
on New Year’s Day the Republican municipality of Lisbon held a
like function, not only largely and most influentially
attended, but to the distinct diminution of the attendance in
the Royal Palace."
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.
Demonstration against the Religious Orders.
The following despatch to the Press was sent from Lisbon
August 3, 1909:
"Freethinkers from all political parties in Portugal,
represented by a Liberal committee, to-day presented to the
Cortes a petition for the suppression of the religious orders
in Portugal and the abrogation of the existing laws against
freedom of conscience. This step was an outcome of the meeting
held in this city yesterday.
"The committee was accompanied to the Houses of Parliament by
an immense crowd, and some wild scenes ensued. Among other
things the petitioners asked for the abrogation of the recent
law permitting religious associations to acquire landed
property, a procedure which up to the present time has been
illegal. Senhor Camacho moved the consideration of the
subject, and when the motion was voted down the galleries
broke out in protestation. There was considerable violence on
the floor of the House. The Deputies engaged in a struggle in
which desks and chairs were overturned, and the Chamber had to
be cleared twice. The tumult was continued in the streets, but
without serious results."
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.
Offer of Dom Miguel to renounce his Claim to the Throne.
Dom Miguel, son of the Dom Miguel who, from 1828 to 1833 held
the throne of Portugal in defiance of the rights of Maria da
Gloria, his elder brother’s daughter (see, in Volume IV.,
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1824-1889), had kept up his father’s
pretensions to the crown until the spring of 1909, when he
offered to renounce it, if permitted to live in Portugal as a
citizen. The permission was refused, for the reason that his
return, with that of a number of nobles of his party, "would
be regarded as a challenge to the rising tide of Liberalism."
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909 (April).
Earthquake in and around Lisbon.
See (in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: PORTUGAL.
PORTUGUESE AFRICA.
See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: PORTUGUESE.
POSTAGE, BEGINNING OF INTERNATIONAL PENNY.
The postal treaty establishing two-cent or penny postage on
letters between Great Britain and the United States went into
effect October 1, 1909.
POSTAL SERVICE, IN CHINA.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1908.
POSTAL SERVICE STRIKE, IN FRANCE.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-MAY).
POSTAL AND TELEGRAPHIC STRIKE, IN RUSSIA.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
----------POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: THEIR PROBLEMS: Start---
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
Old Age Homes, in Vienna.
"In most towns there is a tendency, in this our day, to deal
more generously with destitute children than with destitute
men and women. In Berlin and New York, for instance, both
money and thought are lavished on the young whom the community
supports; while as for the aged, what is given to them is
given only of necessity. In Vienna it is otherwise; there the
arrangements for the relief of the old people are better—both
more carefully considered and more liberal—than those for the
relief of children, a fact that says more, perhaps, for the
hearts than for the heads of the authorities.
"If a man—or a woman—above 60 is without money wherewith to
provide for himself, or the strength to earn the money, he
applies to the Guardian of his ward for help. Then, if he has
a home to live in, and someone to take care of him, or is able
to take care of himself, he is granted out relief, a money
allowance if he can be trusted to spend it wisely, otherwise
relief in kind. Supposing, however, he is homeless, feeble and
‘alone-standing,’ he is sent to a Versorgungshaus, or old-age
home, if there is a vacant place there; and, if not, to a
small poor-house until there is.
"Versorgungshäuser are the distinctive feature of the Austrian
Poor Relief system so far as the aged are concerned. Already
in the days of Joseph II. Vienna had two if not more of these
homes, and at the present time it has six. One of them is
reserved exclusively for Citizens; another, that at Mauerbach,
is reserved for persons who, owing to their perverted notions
as to what is seemly, cannot be accorded the full liberty the
old people in the other homes enjoy. In all the six together
there is space for more than 6,000 inmates. As the
Versorgungshäuser are looked upon by classes and masses alike
as the homes of the aged poor, the place where they have a
right to be, no disgrace is attached to going there. …
"Although in Vienna much is done for the poor, the burden
entailed by Poor Relief is by no means overwhelming. In 1903
the full cost of indoor relief, outdoor relief and sick
relief, together with the cost of administration, was only
£942,870, and of this £250,672 was obtained from private
sources. At that time the town was providing 31,000 adults—old
men and women for the most part—with allowances ranging in
amount from 30 kronen to 6 kronen a month; it was maintaining
6,790 more in old-age homes and other institutions; and was
defraying the cost of the Asyl and workhouse. It was
supporting, or contributing to the support of, 10,260 children
who were either with their own relatives or were boarded out;
and was maintaining 3,246 in orphanages, etc. It defrayed the
cost of the 27,000 babies who passed through the Foundling
Hospital, and of the 19,085 children who were temporarily in
institutions. It also provided 77,000 boys and girls with
school books, and contributed generously to many private
philanthropic societies. Roughly speaking, the cost to the
town of Poor Relief in Vienna per head of the population is
8s. 4d."
Edith Sellers,
Poor Relief in Vienna
(Contemporary Review, December, 1900).
{508}
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
Pensions, &c.: Denmark: A. D. 1907.
Old Age Pensions.
Some interesting details of the working of the Danish old-age
pensions system are contained in a British Consular report
issued in May, 1909. The latest available statistics show that
on March 31, 1907, 70,445 persons over 60 years of age were in
receipt of pensions, which amounted in the aggregate to
£451,000 [$2,255,000] for the financial year 1906-1907. The
number of pensioners on March 31, 1906, was 68,800, and the
amount distributed in the financial year 1905-1906, £420,444.
Both the number of pensioners and the average amount of the
pensions are increasing. The ages of the "principal"
pensioners (i. e., of the actual recipients of pensions
apart from wives and children dependent on them) were, on
March 31st, 1906, as follows:
60 to 65 years of age—3,173 men, 4,239 women;
65 to 70 years—5,831 men, 6,756 women;
70 years and over—13,974 men and 17,037 women.
About a quarter of the population over 60 years of age is in
receipt of pensions, the women especially availing themselves
of their benefits. The average amount distributed to each
"principal" recipient was £6 5s. in 1905-1906 and £6 11s. in
1906-1907.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: England: A. D. 1908.
Old Age Pensions Act.
The Working of the Law.
Its Pitiful and Appalling Disclosures.
The Act of the British Parliament, "to Provide for Old Age
Pensions" (August 1, 1908), declares in its first section that
"the receipt of an old age pension under this Act shall not
deprive the pensioner of any franchise, right, or privilege,
or subject him to any disability." The second section defines
the "statutory conditions for the receipt of an old age
pension by any person" to be: the person must have attained
the age of seventy; must satisfy the pension authorities that

he has been a British subject and resident in the United
Kingdom for at least twenty years; that his yearly means, as
calculated under the stipulations of the Act, do not exceed
thirty-one pounds ten shillings. But, notwithstanding the
fulfilment of these statutory conditions, a person is
disqualified while he is in receipt of any poor relief, other
than medical or surgical assistance on the recommendation of a
medical officer, or relief rendered by means of the
maintenance of a dependent in an asylum, infirmary, or
hospital, or any relief that by law is expressly declared not
to be a disqualification for any franchise, right, or
privilege. Furthermore, any person is disqualified for the
receipt of an old age pension "if, before he becomes entitled
to a pension, he has habitually failed to work according to
his ability, opportunity, and need, for the maintenance or
benefit of himself and those legally dependent upon him:
Provided that a person shall not be disqualified under this
paragraph if he has continuously for ten years up to attaining
the age of sixty, by means of payments to friendly, provident,
or other societies, or trade unions, or other approved steps,
made such provision against old age, sickness, infirmity, or
want or loss of employment as may be recognized as proper
provision for the purpose by regulations under this Act, and
any such provision, when made by the husband in the case of a
married couple living together, shall, as respects any right
of the wife to a pension, be treated as provision made by the
wife as well as by the husband."
Disqualification exists, also, during detention in a lunatic
asylum; and not only during any penal imprisonment that has
been ordered "without the option fine," but for ten years
thereafter.
Specific rules are given in the Act for "calculating the means
of a person" who seeks the pension; and the rate of weekly
pension to be paid is proportioned inversely to such
ascertained means, as follows: "Where the yearly means of the
pensioner as calculated under this Act:
Do not exceed £21.,—5s. 0d.;
exceed £21, but do not exceed £23, 12s. 6d.,—4s. 0d.;
exceed £23 12s. 6d., but do not exceed £26 5s.,—3s. 0d.;
exceed £26 5s., but do not exceed £28 17s. 6d.,—2s. 0c2.;
exceed £28 17s. 6d., but do not exceed £31 10s.,—1s. 0d.;
exceed £31 10s., no pension."
The Act became operative on the 1st of January, 1909. At that
time the persons recommended for pensions, throughout the
Kingdom, numbered 490,028, with somewhat over 148,000 pending
claims. The original estimate, on the discussion of the
measure, had been that the eligible pensioners would not
exceed 500,000, and that the cost of the undertaking, to begin
with, would be about £6,000,000. It was evident, therefore,
before pension payments began, that these estimates were much
too low.
From Ireland it was reported by the Press on the opening day
of pension payments that "more than 4,000 persons will to-day
receive old-age pensions in the city of Dublin. Claims
continue to be received in large numbers, and the pension
authorities estimate that, inasmuch as the last census of the
city showed that there were 6,800 persons over 70 years of age
then alive, at least 1,200 eligible persons have not yet made
application. Yesterday afternoon it was stated that in all
5,600 claims had been lodged.
"Of the 209,000 claims lodged altogether in Ireland, it is
estimated that 50,000 will be disallowed, and that £30,000
weekly will be required to satisfy those which have been held
to be good. So far as Dublin is concerned, less than 90 per
cent, of the inhabitants who are over 70 years of age have
claimed pensions, so that the rural districts are responsible
for the larger percentage of claimants in Ireland as compared
with England and Scotland."
From Scotland it was reported that "in Glasgow, the number of
persons of 70 years and over is 13,160, and fully half of
those made claims. A rough estimate places the number of full
pensions granted at about 5,550. In addition, a number of
allowances of the smaller amounts, ranging from 4s. to 1s.,
have been made."
In London, on the 1st of January, 1908, there had been 39,043
claims considered, of which 36,108 were allowed. Of these,
31,327 were for 5s., 1,701 for 4s., 1,827 for 3s., 797 for
2s., and 456 for 1s.
{509}
Speaking in Parliament on the 1st of March, with deep feeling,
of the working of the Pension Act and of the revelation of
poverty it had made, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr.
Lloyd-George, said: "The pension officers, especially in
Ireland, had been appalled at the amount of undisclosed
poverty, and that was why he was not disposed to criticize too
harshly the administration of the Act in that country, even if
it had resulted in addition of a considerable sum to the
estimate of the Government. The details of poverty in Ireland
were perfectly horrifying. It was a disgrace to any civilized
country that reasonable human beings should be allowed to live
under such conditions. But the same condition of things was
found in Great Britain also in many cases. He made a special
point of investigating the matter, and pension committees and
pension officers all told the same story of people facing
poverty and privation for years with resignation, fortitude,
and uncomplaining patience, and all asked the same question
and asked it in vain—How on earth could those poor people have
managed to keep body and soul together on such slender
resources? They had not understated their resources; on the
contrary, there were cases in which they had overstated them
from a feeling of pride.
"What struck one in such cases was how the people had fought
against the horror of the Poor Law. There were 270,000 people
over 70 years of age in receipt of Poor Law relief. The
Old-Age Pensions Act had disclosed the presence in the
community of over 600,000 people the vast majority of whom
were living in circumstances of great poverty, and yet
disdained the charity of the Poor Law."
In the report of the Local Government Board for 1908, the
inspector of poor-law administration in the eastern counties
of England reported a substantial decrease in pauperism during
the year, and attributed this mainly to the passing of the
Old-Age Pensions Act. Persons verging on the age of 70 were
doing everything possible to preserve their qualifications for
pensions, and their sons and daughters, in the hope that the
old folk will be able to stand alone, are maintaining them
till the pensions are due in order that they may not be
forfeited by parish relief.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: France: A. D. 1909.
State Railway Servants Pensions.
In July, 1909, the Chamber of Deputies adopted a Bill for
pensioning the railway employees of the State which had
already passed the Senate. It applies to some 308,000 persons,
who will be pensioned in several classes at ages ranging from
50 to 60 years, and the estimated annual cost will exceed
$5,000,000. The Minister of Public Works, M. Barthou,
described the measure as an acknowledgment on the part of the
country of a debt which it owed to a deserving body of public
servants, who for the last 11 years had waited patiently for
the fulfilment of a promise and upon various trying occasions
during that period had not abused the confidence which had
been reposed in their good sense and public spirit.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: France: A. D. 1910.
General Old-Age Pension Law.
A general measure for the pensioning of workmen in old age,
which had been pending in the French Parliament for nearly
three years, became law in April, 1910. Passed in the first
instance by the Chamber of Deputies in 1907, it was held in
the Senate, undergoing an extensive remodeling, until the 12th
of February, 1910, when that body gave it an unanimous vote.
In the Chamber of Deputies its exaction of compulsory
contributions from the wages of workmen to the pension fund
was opposed by a section of the Socialists, but supported by
the Socialist leader Jaures, as well as by the Briand
Ministry, and carried by a decisive vote on April 1st.
"Workingmen, domestic servants, clerks, and farm laborers to
the number of nearly 12,000,000, whose annual earnings are
below 3,000 francs, are placed under a system of compulsory
insurance. For the farmer and small proprietor whose income
ranges between 3,000 and 5,000 francs, an optional form of
insurance is provided. Of this class there are nearly six
million men and women in the country." In all, about
18,000,000 of the population of France are beneficiaries of
the Act.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
The German System of State-aided Pensions,
compared with other systems.
The following is from the report of a lecture on State-aided
Pensions for the Poor, given in London, on the 3d of February,
1909, by the Honourable W. P. Reeves, Director of the London
School of Economics and Political Science. It is an admirable
summary of facts that exhibit the working, down to the present
time, of the German system of working men’s insurance adopted
between 1883-1889.
See (in Volume IV. of this work)
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1883-1889.
See (in Volume VI. of this work)
GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900, in Volume VI.):
"The subject, said the lecturer, fell into three
groups—contributory pensions, free State universal pensions,
and free State limited pensions. Germany, France, and Belgium
afforded examples of the contributory pensions, and Denmark,
Australia, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom of the limited
free pensions. The universal free pensions were likely to
remain an ideal. The Belgian superannuation for the poor,
provided by voluntary contributions on the part of the insurer
and by State bonuses, had encouraged thrift, but it yielded an
average pension of only £3 a year. It could not, therefore, be
pronounced to be a success, and the State had recognized its
failure by inaugurating a system of free old-age pensions for
the utterly destitute. A similar superannuation scheme in
France, also maintained principally by voluntary
contributions, had only attracted 8 per cent. of the class for
which it was intended, and there, too, it had been found
necessary to introduce free old-age pensions. There was also a
voluntary system in Germany, but that was a kind of side show
to the great national system of insurance by compulsory
contributions. This latter system was a gigantic experiment,
and it really did deserve the name of national. Professor
Ashley had shown that of the 10,700,000 men who were insurable
under this scheme 8,857,000 actually were insured; and of the
5,800,000 women who were qualified to provide for pensions
4,524,000 were actually paying their contributions. The system
had been in operation for 26 years, and the amount paid out in
that time must have exceeded £300,000,000, while 70 or 80
million persons had been benefited by it from first to last.
The number of persons affected yearly by the system was
25,000,000; and in 1907 nearly £30,000,000 was spent in the
three divisions of the triple system—old age, sickness, and
accidents. He had only to deal with one division—old age and
infirmity. The accumulated funds in this division amounted to
about £70,000,000; and the amount paid out to the insurers in
1906 was nearly £8,300,000, and in 1907 £8,400,000. The
population liable to insure was about 14¼ millions, and the
number of pensions in force at the end of 1907 was 979,000.
{510}
"Under this German scheme the class compulsorily insured
consisted of men and single women earning less than £100 a
year. The funds were provided in equal contributions by
employers and employed—the principle underlying the system
being that of deferred wages. It was a question whether it was
encouraging thrift to withhold from such wage-earners 2 per
cent. of their wages. The State bore the cost of management,
and added to every pension a bonus of £2 10s. a year. For the
working of the system the wage-earners were divided into five
grades:
(1) Those who earn up to £17 10s. a year;
(2) those who earn any sum between £17 10s. and £27 10s.;
(3) those who earn any sum between £27 10s. and £42 10s.;
(4) those who earn any sum between £42 10s. and £57; and
(5) those who earn any sum between £57 and £100.
The lowest wage-earners paid seven-eighths of a penny per week
for their old-age pension, and the highest wage-earners about
2¼d. No special consideration was shown for a married man. The
five grades of pensions were:
(1) £5 10s. a year;
(2) £7;
(3) £8 10s.;
(4) £10; and
(5) £11 10s.
If the labourer died after subscribing for 200 weeks his wife
and children were entitled to receive what he had subscribed,
but nothing more.
"The lot of the widows and orphans was one of the black
features of the system. A married woman could not qualify for
an old-age pension. The amount of the weekly contribution was
fixed for ten years. In 1906 the receipts exceeded the
expenditure by £6,000,000; the cost of administration was only
£850,000. But that was only the minor part of the provision
made for elderly people in Germany. The main provision was
made under the head of infirmity or invalidity occurring
before the pension age—70. If the insurers, after having
subscribed for not less than four years, broke down and were
unable to earn wages, they were entitled to more generous
treatment. If curable they were cured in State sanatoriums and
received temporary sickness pensions. If incurable they
received a pension which was regulated by the number of years
they had subscribed, and varied from a minimum of £5
16s. in the lowest grade for four years’ subscriptions to £22
10s. in the highest grade for 50 years’ subscriptions. The
insurer began to pay his contributions at the age of 17, and
for an old-age pension he had to subscribe 50 weeks a year for
24 years—1,200 weeks in all. Though the system had not checked
Socialism or militant trade unionism, it had attained its real
purpose, for it had conferred an enormous boon upon the poor."
At the time when the remark quoted above, touching the
defective provision of the German law for widows and orphans,
was made, the Imperial Government was preparing to amend it.
The London Times of April 17, 1909, gave, in its
correspondence from Berlin, the account of a draft Bill, just
made public, which the Imperial Ministry of the Interior had
prepared for presentation to the Federal Council, the object
being to combine and coordinate "the seven compulsory
insurance laws of 1883 to 1899," together with certain
amendments and additions. "It is understood," wrote the
correspondent, "that the Bill will not reach the Reichstag
before the autumn of this year. Whereas many authorities …
have favored a thorough unification of the three systems of
invalidity and old age, accident, and sick insurance, the
immediate proposals of the Government would leave the three
systems separate and distinct, while codifying the law and the
regulations which are common to all branches of compulsory
insurance, and establishing a joint and threefold system of
higher administration." The main purpose of the bill was to
rectify that lack of proper provision for widows and orphans
which was noted above. "The need of solving this problem,"
said the correspondent, "is really the immediate occasion of
reform, and the proposed solution is the most important
feature of the reform scheme. An essential feature of the
tariff law of 1902 was the ear-marking—by the so-called Lex
Trimborn—for widows and orphans’ insurance of the surplus
revenue from the increased Customs duties on corn and cattle.
The Lex Trimborn takes effect on January 1, 1910, but the
surplus revenue is lacking. For the financial year 1906 there
was no surplus. For 1907 there was a surplus of about
£2,000,000. For the financial year 1908 there will be no
surplus, although £2,650,000 was estimated for. In these
circumstances the Government—while apparently still cherishing
the hope that, upon the average of a long period of years, the
revised tariff will do what was expected of it—proposes to
provide for widows and orphans insurance by a simple all-round
extension of the system of invalidity and old-age insurance.
That is to say, the ‘contributions’ of employers and employed
are to be raised, and an Imperial subsidy, of fixed amount,
without regard to the annual revenue from Customs, is to be
added to the contributions.
"It is at present proposed that the weekly 'contributions' to
invalidity and old-age insurance shall, in order to provide
funds for widows and orphans’ pensions, be increased—upon the
mean average of the contributions of the five classes of
wage-earners—by one-fourth, and that the Empire shall add a
subsidy of £2 10s. a year to each widow’s pension and a
subsidy of £1 5s. a year to each orphan’s pension."
In February, 1909, a Parliamentary Committee of the British
Trades Union Congress, composed of men representing the Labor
Party in Parliament, reported the results of a visit to
Germany which the Committee had made in the previous November,
to examine conditions in that country, especially with
reference to the operation of the state system of insurance.
In their report they said: "The State assistance has acted as
an incentive and encouragement to workmen to make additional
provision for themselves and families through their trade
unions and private sick clubs. This is especially the case in
invalidity and old age. It has always been the workman’s
complaint, as well as that of the organizations, that the
assistance obtainable under the workman’s insurance system is
quite out of proportion to the subscriptions paid, and quite
insufficient for the maintenance of the pensioner.
{511}
In this connexion, it is interesting to note that in 1907 the
'Free' or Socialist unions, with a membership of 1,866,000,
granted £174,000 in sick pay and £19,000 in invalidity pay;
the State subsidies to invalidity and old-age pensions
amounting in 1906 to £2,437,000. The insurance pensions are
continually increasing; and it is stated that the invalidity
pensions will eventually reach a maximum in the lowest
wages class of £9 5s., and in the highest one of £22 10s. The
funds accumulated in the hands of the Invalidity Pension
Offices amounted at the end of 1907 to about 70 million
pounds, and the workmen maintain that the time has now arrived
when either the pensions paid should be increased, or the
contributions levied decreased, as provided for by law."
"The members of the deputation were struck by the absence of
slums in the manufacturing quarters of the towns visited.
Nowhere did they see any quarter that could be classified
under the heading ‘slum.’ The cleanliness prevailing
throughout all the towns visited was also remarkable. No
beggars, feeble or emaciated men in tatters and rags were
encountered in the streets. Hundreds upon hundreds of
unemployed were seen by the deputation, but they seemed to
lack that dejection and absolute misery that is so frequently
met with in the streets of English towns.
"Workmen throughout Germany do not complain of any compulsory
deductions made by their employers from their wages for the
purpose of workmen’s insurances. Many of the largest employers
are favourably disposed towards these laws, and pay willingly.
On the other hand, probably the majority do complain of the
cost, although not opposed to the laws in principle."
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Poor Laws: England: A. D. 1896-1906.
Report of Royal Commission.
Increasing Pauperism.
In December, 1905, a Royal Commission, composed of nineteen
men and women of distinguished ability and of special
qualifications for the service, was appointed in Great
Britain, "to inquire—(1) Into the working of the laws relating
to the relief of poor persons in the United Kingdom; (2) into
the various means which have been adopted outside of the Poor
Laws for meeting distress arising from want of employment,
particularly during periods of severe industrial depression;
and to consider and report whether any, and, if so, what
modification of the Poor Laws or changes in their
administration or fresh legislation for dealing with distress
are advisable."
After three years of laborious investigation, making "more
than 800 personal visits to unions, meetings of boards of
guardians, and institutions in England, Scotland, and
Ireland," as well as examining over 1300 witnesses, the
Commission submitted an elaborate report in February, 1909.
Its findings as to the present working of the poor-laws and
the relief-systems of the United Kingdom, and its
recommendations for reform, cannot be summarized with any
clearness in such space as can be given to the subject here;
but there is a startling significance in what it shows of the
increase of pauperism and of the public cost of poor relief in
late years.
It appears from the returns of the Local Government Board that
the mean number of paupers in 1906, 1907 and 1908, was at a
higher level than it had been for 31 previous years.
Excluding, however, these three especially bad years, it is
found that throughout the period 1896-1906 there were 24,000
more paupers than in the period 1888-1896, and 7000 more than
in the period 1880-1888. In discussing the report the London
Times remarks: "Further examination even diminishes the
meagre consolation these figures afford as to the results of a
generation of effort at reducing pauperism. Comparing the
period 1896-1906 with 1871-1880, there has been a decrease of
3.9 per cent. in the total number of paupers, but this
decrease has been accompanied by a large increase of male
pauperism and is due entirely to the large decrease in the
number of children, whose numbers have decreased by 18 per
cent., and a small reduction in the number of women, whose
numbers have increased by 2 per cent. The decrease in these
two classes so affects the total as entirely to conceal an
absolute increase of 18 per cent, in the number of male
paupers. Even in regard to the children, at any rate during
the last 15 years, the decrease has been almost wholly in
rural unions, and in the children of widows, and there has
been a general increase in the number of children of
able-bodied men.
"Further, so far as figures are available, they show a greater
proportionate increase in the number of paupers during the
working years of life than in the very young or the very old.
Taking only the able-bodied in health, we find that in the
period 1896-1906 in metropolitan unions the indoor paupers
have increased by 38 per cent. and the outdoor by 137 per
cent.; in urban unions the indoor by 24 per cent. and the
outdoor by 133 per cent.; and in the whole of England and
Wales the indoor by 21 per cent. and the outdoor by 49 per
cent. In London alone 15,800 more paupers are being maintained
than in the eighties, and the rate per 1,000 of the
population, which used to be below that for England and Wales,
has risen above it."
As for expenditure, it was some £8,000,000 in the year
1871-1872, and £14,000,000 in the year 1905-1906. Summing up
the general situation with regard to this expenditure, the
Commission says: "We find that, whilst the expenditure per
inhabitant has increased from 7s. ¼d. to 8s. 2£d. since
1871-1872, and is only 7£d. less than it was in 1834, the
expenditure per pauper has increased from £7 12s. 1d. to £15
12s. 6d. in the same period. The country is maintaining a
multitude of paupers not far short of the numbers maintained
in 1871-1902, and is spending more than double the amount upon
each individual. The increased expenditure has done little
towards diminishing the extent of pauperism. Such advance as
the nation has made has been accomplished at an enormous cost,
and absorbs an annual amount which is now equivalent to nearly
one-half of the present expenditure upon the Army. It may be
urged that the rate of pauperism has diminished from 31.2 per
1,000 in 1871-1879 to 22.2 per 1,000 in 1896-1905, and this is
certainly a matter for congratulation, but it has been the
result of the large increase in the population rather than of
any considerable reduction in the number of paupers."
{512}
This discouraging result has occurred notwithstanding the fact
that the nation is spending £20,000,000 more in education than
in 1831, and £13,000,000 more in sanitation and the prevention
of disease than in 1841; notwithstanding the fact "that money
wages in the nineties were 10 per cent. above those of the
eighties, and 30 per cent, above those of the sixties," and
notwithstanding the fact that "there has been a considerable
flow of the working classes from the lower paid occupations to
the higher paid industries."
The recommendations of the Commission include a scheme for a
permanent system of public assistance for the able-bodied,
which contemplates the establishment in every district of four
coöperating organizations:
(a) An organization for insurance against unemployment, to
develop and secure (with contributions from public funds) the
greatest possible benefits to the workmen from coöperative
insurance against unemployment;
(b) a labor exchange established and maintained by the Board
of Trade to provide efficient machinery for putting those
requiring work and those requiring workers into prompt
communication;
(c) a voluntary aid committee to give advice and aid out of
voluntary funds especially to the better class of workmen
reduced to want through unemployment;
(d) a public assistance authority representing the county or
county borough and acting locally through a public assistance
committee to assist necessitous workmen under specified
conditions at the public expense. The report adds that it must
be a fundamental principle of the system of public assistance
that the responsibility for the due and effective assistance
of all necessitous persons at the public expense shall be in
the hands of one, and only one, authority in each county and
county borough—viz., the public assistance authority.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
Small Holdings Act of Great Britain.
See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
Starvation Poverty in India.
See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1905-1908.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
Underfed School Children:
Provision for Meals to them.
How it is done in Various Cities.
In March, 1905, the British Foreign Office undertook, at the
request of the Board of Education, to obtain information
regarding the methods adopted in the great Continental and
American cities for dealing with ill-fed school children. The
facts collected were tabulated and published subsequently in a
Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 2926-1906) from which the following
statements are derived:
Generally, in the larger cities of Western Europe, some system
was found to be in operation for feeding ill-fed children in
the schools. Commonly this is conducted unofficially, by
private charitable organizations, but sometimes in indirect
connection with the municipality, and frequently with help
from municipal funds. In Berlin, however, the municipality
takes on itself the responsibility of not only feeding but
clothing properly the necessitous children attending its
elementary schools. This made one of the functions of a
municipal department, the Städtisrhe Schuldeputation, which is
assisted by a "Society for Feeding Poor Children" in the
supplying of meals at the elementary school buildings of the
city. The committee which conducts the work of that auxiliary
society is appointed by the Government. As a rule, breakfasts
only are given in Berlin, and only during the winter months;
but four meals are supplied to such children as are thought by
the head-masters of the schools to require them. No steps are
taken to collect from parents any part of the cost of meals
furnished in the schools.
In Paris the organization which installs and conducts cantines
scolaires in schools belonging to the city, called the
Caisse des Écoles, is privately constituted, but
presided over by the mayor. This connects it with the
municipality, and in 1905 it had been receiving a municipal
subvention of 1,000,000 francs yearly for three years, but
this was not to be depended on as a permanent grant. It was
necessary for the Caisse des Écoles to seek voluntary
contributions. The City, however, undertakes to supply the
necessary accommodations and all utensils for the school
canteens, which are in operation throughout the year, every
day of the week, but generally for a noon meal only; though
soup is distributed in some arrondissements at the opening and
closing of school. All children are entitled to feed at the
canteen, but the meals are supplied gratis only to the
children of poor families. The others pay a small sum which
does not exceed 15 centimes (about 2 cents). In 1904 the total
cost of meals furnished at the school canteens was 1,461,305
francs, of which 359,093 francs was paid by parents, who buy
tickets for the purpose. All meals are supplied on the
presentation of tickets, and nothing shows whether the tickets
have been bought or received as gifts.
In Vienna meals for poor school children are provided by a
central Association, indirectly connected with the
municipality, the Burgomaster being its president, and
financial assistance being given to it from both imperial and
municipal funds. Dinners only are provided, on every week day
from November 16 to March 31, partly in the school buildings,
partly in certain restaurants and kitchens. As in Paris,
parents can buy tickets for these meals, but it is said to be
rarely done. The total cost is about $23,000 per year. Once a
year, in the autumn, the Association makes an appeal for
funds, and all classes of people respond, the Emperor giving
4,000 crowns and the Town Council voting 8,000.
Information on the subject was obtained by the British Foreign
Office from thirty-eight cities, in all, of Austria, Belgium,
Denmark, France, Germany, Holland, Italy, Norway, Sweden,
Spain, Switzerland, and the United States. Some systematic
provision, more or less adequate, for securing proper food to
the children of the schools by private or public organization,
was reported from more than thirty. The reports from New York,
Philadelphia, and Chicago, in the United States, showed less
undertakings in this direction than in any other cities of
considerable size.
{513}
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: In England:
Provision of Meals Act.
An order from the English Local Government Board on the
subject of providing food for underfed school children was
published on the 29th of April, 1905. It applied only to
children under sixteen who were neither blind, deaf or dumb,
and who were living with a father not in receipt of relief.
Application in each case must be made by school managers, or
by a teacher empowered by the managers, or by an officer
empowered by the education authorities. The relief might be
granted in the ordinary way or as a loan, the father being
allowed the opportunity of making the needful provision
himself. If he failed to do so, the poor-law guardians were
empowered to make it and to recover the cost, as if it were a
loan. In no case could the relief be given in money, or
continued on a single application for more than a month. Where
possible, arrangements should be made with local charitable
organizations for the issue of tickets for meals.
The above mentioned tentative order was followed, in the next
year, by the passage of an Act which authorizes any "local
education authority" in England and Wales to "take such steps
as they think fit for the provision of meals for children" at
any public elementary school, and for that purpose to
"associate with themselves any committee on which the
authority are represented, who will undertake to provide food
for those children." Such education authority may aid the
committee by furnishing necessary land, buildings, furniture
and apparatus, and necessary officers and servants; but, "save
as hereinafter provided, the authority shall not incur any
expense in respect of the purchase of food to be supplied at
such meals."
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Unemployment: Belgium: A. D. 1900-1904.
Municipal Organizations of Insurance against Unemployment.
The Ghent System.
The following is abridged from a report on "Agencies and
Methods for Dealing with the Unemployed in certain Foreign
Countries," made to the British Board of Trade, in 1904, by
Mr. David F. Schloss:
During the last few years the Public Authorities of certain
Belgian towns and Provinces have organised a system, to which
the name of Insurance against Unemployment is given, and under
which the efforts of workmen to secure for themselves the
means of tiding over periods of unemployment are assisted by
the grant of subsidies provided out of public moneys, which
form a supplement to the sums derived from the contributions
of these work-people. This system is now in force at Ghent,
Brussels, Antwerp, Bruges, Liege, Malines, and Louvain, and in
the Provinces of Liege and Antwerp. In details it has been
varied somewhat in different places, but the general scheme is
the same, and it will be sufficient to give some account of it
as organized in Ghent, where it was first worked out.
The Unemployed Fund at Ghent was initiated as the result of
the recommendations made by a Special Commission on the
question of unemployment, which on April 10, 1900, presented a
Report, advising the creation of a Municipal Unemployed Fund
under the conditions specified in a set of rules, which they
submitted for consideration. The annual subvention to the Fund
by the City was fixed, for three years, at $4000. Expenses of
the administration of the Fund to be borne by the City.
Administration of the Fund to be entrusted to a committee of
ten citizens named by the municipal authority, but one half of
whom must be members of those organizations of workmen which
affiliate themselves with the Fund. The Fund may be augmented
by subscriptions, donations, moneys collected by fêtes, etc.
"The intervention of the Special Fund shall consist either
(a.) in providing a supplement to sums paid to their
members as unemployed benefit by workmen’s organisations, or
(b.) in supplementing any provision made by individual
thrift for the specific case of unemployment. The Special Fund
will supplement the unemployed benefits paid by workmen's
organisations by the payment of a subsidy, which may be equal
to, but shall not be greater than, the amount of such
benefits."
"Strikes and lock-outs, or the results attendant upon such
disputes, sickness and physical incapacity for labour shall in
no case give rise to the payment of an indemnity out of the
monies of the Unemployed Fund."
"All workmen’s organisations desiring that their members shall
participate in the subsidies provided by the Fund will be
required to send in each month a return showing the number and
amount of all payments on account of benefits made by them,
and to furnish every year their balance-sheet, also their
rules and regulations."
"Workmen not being members of any Trade Union which enjoys
participation in the Fund, are at liberty to join a Thrift
Fund specifically constituted to meet the case of
unemployment." By this rule, it will be seen, the scheme
provides, under distinct branches, for Trade Unionists and
non-Unionists.
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: England: A. D. 1905-1909.
Unemployed Workmen Act, and its operation.
In the summer of 1905 a Bill brought into Parliament by the
President of the Local Government Board, to provide for an
organization to assist unemployed workmen, was carried through
both houses with little opposition. It sought to bring about a
careful discrimination between workmen who were accustomed to
regular employment in ordinary circumstances, but temporarily
unemployed through circumstances beyond their control, and the
needy, on the other hand, who were proper objects of ordinary
Poor Law relief. Its provisions were for the former entirely,
and their purpose was to establish both local and central
bodies, which should organize and maintain labor exchanges and
employment bureaus, assist migration and emigration, and
acquire, equip, and maintain farm colonies; the latter to
operate continuously, for the training of persons to
agricultural pursuits, preparing them for emigration or for
permanent transfer from city to country life. The local bodies
contemplated were not empowered to provide work at public
expense. That power was entrusted discretionally to the
central bodies, which could draw on the rates for the purpose
to a limited extent. Voluntary contributions were to be looked
to in part for the necessary funds. The measure was decidedly
conservative and tentative.
A report on the applications for relief and the relief given
in England and Wales under this Act during the year ending
March 81, 1909, compared with the previous year, shows as
follows: The total number of applications received was
196,757, of which 49,239 were made to 29 committees in London,
and 147,518 to 95 committees in other parts of the country.
{514}
The applicants belonging to the general or casual labour class
(64,773) formed as in previous years by far the largest
section—47.4 per cent.—of the whole number. The building trade
ranked second with 23,047, or 16.9 per cent. of the total. The
engineering, shipbuilding, and metal trades accounted for
17,028, or 12.5 per cent., as compared with only 8.6 per cent,
in the previous year.
A Bill known as the "Right to Work" Bill came before the House
of Commons in April, 1909, with the endorsement of the trade
unions and the Labor Party. It was opposed by John Burns, the
former labor leader, but now speaking as President of the
Local Government Board and member of the Cabinet, who said:
"For three and a half years he had had intimate experience of
relief works, and he could not exaggerate the degradation of
the workmen, the demoralization of the honest labourer, the
extent to which money had been wasted and character impaired
by the relief works which he had had in the name of Parliament
to administer. Any member had only to take up the report of
any one of the distress committees to see that what the
minority report said had happened would increasingly happen so
long as these means of meeting unemployment were resorted to.
The amount of work would be disproportionate to the wages
paid, the wrong men would get the right work, and the best men
would be excluded, because modesty was a characteristic of
good workmanship and craftsmanship, and the worst men were
always in the front line when relief works were set on foot."
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: A. D. 1909.
Report of a Royal Commission.
The Royal Commission on the working of the English Poor Laws,
whose general report is referred to above, issued, in
September, 1909, a supplementary report on Unemployment. The
main ultimate conclusions of the Commission are the following:
"When we consider the remedies proposed for unemployment we
are convinced that they do not lie on the lines proposed by
the Unemployed Workmen’s Act, which has done nothing but
systematize Relief Works. These, whether national or
municipal, appear to us merely to intensify the evil as far as
the ordinary workmen are concerned. The great thing necessary,
we believe, is to obtain a general agreement as to the need of
regularizing labour. In this the Government and municipalities
ought to set a good example.
"It might be better, if any rate or State funds are to be
spent on the unemployed, that such aid should take the form of
supplementing trade union funds and give thereby a bonus on
thrift. Any such supplementation of trade union funds would
involve a Local Government Board audit, the control of the
expenses of management, and a separation of the war and
benefit funds. It is very doubtful whether it would be wise
for trade unions to accept State aid if it involved loss of
independence and an interference with their efforts to improve
wages. There is little doubt, however, that grants of this
kind would enormously increase their membership.
"In order to prevent the spread of the unemployed as a class
it is probable that drastic measures ought to be taken, such
as those recommended to check vagrancy. For the idle and
worthless who now form the noisy section of the unemployed it
might be necessary to establish semi-penal colonies. …
"The solution lies in a better organization of the workers and
more consideration from the employers. Better organization of
industry might at once relieve the workers and render trade
crises less acute by steadying the supply of labour.
"Differentiation of the unemployable from the willing workers
and better classification of paupers would enable us to
understand the extent of the problem and how far
reorganization of labour must be carried. Raising the
condition of the whole working class by better housing and
better wages will help to keep decent but unskilled workmen
from sinking.
"Every effort must be made to cut off the supply of unskilled
and unintelligent labour by training boys to enter regular and
permanent work."
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
The Labor Exchanges Act.
One of the most important of the recent enactments of the
British Parliament is the Labor Exchanges Act, which
encountered no serious opposition in either House. On
introducing the Bill in the House of Commons, May 19, 1909,
and in subsequent debate, Mr. Winston Churchill, President of
the Board of Trade, gave explanations of which the following
is a summary: It would divide the country into ten districts,
which would have among them between 30 and 40 first-class
labour exchanges, 45 second-class, and about 150 third-class
for the smaller centres. The central control would be
exercised by the Board of Trade, but it is intended that,
following the German example, there shall be in each principal
centre a local advisory committee composed of representatives
of workmen and of employers in equal numbers, with a permanent
official as chairman. It is hoped that, when permanent
buildings are secured, and the whole scheme is in working
order, the labour exchanges will become centres of industrial
life, in which employers and employed will learn to know one
another better, and to discuss in common questions now too
much regarded from different standpoints. These exchanges
cannot make work, they can only distribute what work is to be
had. They can hardly be expected to make head against the
large fluctuations of trade, which must be met by some
insurance scheme, which Mr. Churchill announced as being under
contemplation. But there are many irregularities of
distribution which labour exchanges can correct, and many
seasonal fluctuations producing much distress which they can
deal with to the great advantage alike of employers and
employed.
It was not contemplated that fees should be charged to men
applying to the labour bureaux, which were to be national
institutions. They would strive to find men for jobs and jobs
for men, and attention would be paid to the interests of the
men who had been waiting longest for work. For the present
domestic servants would not be brought within the operation of
the Bill. No compulsion would be exercised to induce
applicants to give evidence as to character, but of course a
man would have a greater chance of obtaining work if he could
give references and testimonials. In a strike the exchanges
would be absolutely neutral as between capital and labour, and
it would be clearly notified to all working men that there was
a dispute and they would be left to act as they thought fit.
{515}
The Bill became law in September. A highly favorable report of
its operation was made six months later by the Consul-General
of the United States at London, who stated that "on the
opening day nearly eighty exchanges were in operation and
thousands of applications for work were received. The
applicants mainly represented the better class of labor. On
the first day of the opening in Nottingham 557 workers and 120
employing firms registered. These were followed on the second
day by 580 workers and 87 firms. One of the employers alone
applied for sixty skilled hands, and though most of the
skilled hands were placed, the registered firms were not able
to fill all their vacancies."
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Germany: A. D. 1909.
Experiments of Insurance.
Representatives from the municipal authorities of fifteen
German cities held a joint conference at Cologne in September,
1909, to discuss the best methods of combating unemployment.
One or two speakers advocated compulsory insurance against
unemployment; but the divergencies of opinion were so wide
that no conclusion was reached. Annual conferences on the
subject are to be held. A Press correspondent who reported the
meeting remarked that it confirms "the German official view
that the problem of insurance against unemployment is not ripe
for systematic solution. Upon the strength of the experience,
for example, of Strassburg and of Frankfurt, where the Ghent
system of subsidies is in operation, demands are frequently
made for the inauguration of an Imperial system of insurance.
Apart, however, from the fact that other problems—especially
widows and orphans insurance—have precedence, the Government
maintains that Imperial legislation is impossible because no
satisfactory scheme has been discovered."
Some account of the Ghent system, here referred to, will be
found above, under the subheading Belgium. Besides the German
cities mentioned as having introduced that measure of
insurance against unemployment, Cologne and Leipsic have been
operating an organization of similar insurance for some years.
As described in a report made in 1904 to the British Board of
Trade by Mr. David F. Schloss, on "Agencies and Methods for
Dealing with the Unemployed in certain Foreign Countries," the
organization in Cologne is as follows:
"The ‘City of Cologne Office for Insurance against
Unemployment in Winter’ was established in 1896. The object of
the Office is to provide, with the assistance of the Cologne
Labour Registry, an insurance against Unemployment during the
winter (December to March) for the benefit of male workpeople
in the Cologne district. In order to insure with the Office, a
man must be at least 18 years of age, must have lived for at
least a year in Cologne, and must not suffer from permanent
incapacity to work. He is required to pay a weekly premium,
payment of which must commence as from April 1, and must
continue for 34 weeks. The amount of the premium was
originally 3d. per week for both skilled and unskilled
workmen; in 1901 the rate of premium was fixed at 3d. for
unskilled and 4½d. for skilled men; in 1903 the rate was
raised to 3½d. per week for unskilled and 4¾d. per week for
skilled workmen. …
"In return for these payments the insured workman, if and when
out of work in the period named above, receives, for not more
than eight weeks in all, a daily amount, which is 2s. for each
of the first 20 days (nothing being paid for Sundays), and
then 1s. on each subsequent day. These payments begin on the
third weekday after the date on which the man has reported
himself as out of work. …
"No money is paid in respect of unemployment caused by illness
or infirmity, or by the man’s own fault, or by a trade
dispute."
At Leipsic the institution of insurance against unemployment
is on much the same lines, but differing in some details of
its rules. "The Leipsic Insurance Office was founded in April,
1903, with a guarantee fund of about £5000, provided by
benevolent persons, in addition to which it proposed to
receive annual subscriptions from members of the public. The
town authorities granted accommodation for the Office rent
free for three years. The system adopted was as follows: The
right to insure with this Office is confined to men of 16 but
not over 60 years of age, who have lived at Leipsic for at
least two years; the general meeting may, however, allow
residents in the suburbs of Leipsic to insure."
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
Employers’ Labor Exchanges.
The Collieries Union, of colliery owners, in the Rhenish
Westphalian coal district, was reported, in October, 1909, to
have "decided to institute for the benefit of its members a
system of centralized labour exchanges modelled upon the
system which has existed for many years in the Hamburg iron
industry. The principal objects in view are to secure a steady
supply of permanent labour, to equalize a possible surplus of
labour in certain districts and a corresponding deficit in
others, and to prevent the habit on the part of miners of
applying for employment at several collieries simultaneously.
On the other hand, it is hoped that miners will be spared the
frequently fruitless search for work."
----------POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: End--------
PRAIRIE OIL AND GAS COMPANY.
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.
PREFERENTIAL TRADE:
Discussed at the Imperial Conferences of 1902 and 1907
in London.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902 and 1907.
PRESS, The:
Revived Censorship in Russia.
See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
PRESS CONFERENCE, The British Imperial.
See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).
PRETORIA:
Peace Negotiations.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
PREVENTION OF CORRUPTION ACT.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
PREVENTION OF CRIMES ACT, BRITISH.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
PRIMARY, DIRECT.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.
PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND: A. D. 1901-1902.
Census.
Reduced Representation in Parliament.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
PRITCHETT, Henry S.:
President of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement
of Teaching.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
{516}
PRIZE COURT, CONTEMPLATED INTERNATIONAL.
See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907
(appended to account of Second Peace Conference
at The Hague).
PROBATION SYSTEM, THE.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PROBATION.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Crime.
See (in this Volume)
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of the Intoxicants.
See (in this Volume)
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Labor and Capital.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION, LABOR PROTECTION,
AND LABOR REMUNERATION.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Municipal Government.
See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Poverty and Unemployment.
See (in this Volume)
POVERTY.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Race.
See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Railway Regulation.
See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of the Trusts (so-called).
See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of War and Peace.
See (in this Volume)
WAR: PREPARATIONS FOR, AND REVOLT AGAINST.
PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
Of Wealth.
See (in this Volume)
WEALTH.
PROFIT-SHARING.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION.
PROGRESISTAS.
See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907; also
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
PROGRESSIVES.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.
PROHIBITION.
See (in this Volume)
ALCOHOL PROBLEM.
PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.
PROTECTION, THE NEW.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: THE NEW PROTECTION.
PROTECTORATES, SOUTH AFRICAN.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1902.
Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (March-May), and 1908 (January).
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.
Denominational Education restored.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1905.
Creation of a Government Bureau of Charities.
See (in this Volume)
SOCIAL BETTERMENT: PRUSSIA.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
Defiance of Popular Demands for Suffrage Reform.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
A Comedy of Election Reform.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1907.
Statistics of Population.
Birth Rate and Death Rate.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1907.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
Disappointing Statement by Prince Bülow about Suffrage Reform.
Socialist Successes.
A surprising word from the King.
In January, Prince Bülow, as Minister-President of Prussia,
made a statement about suffrage reform which deeply
disappointed all friends of that movement. It was therefore
expected, when the Diet elections approached in June, that the
Prussian people would be awakened by a violent agitation in
favor of more liberal election laws, but nothing of the kind
happened. The Socialists, indeed, made this their chief issue,
and they carried a half-dozen districts, thus securing for the
first time a foothold in the Diet; and the Radicals, too, gave
out manhood suffrage as their watchword, but pressed it so
feebly as to awaken the suspicion that their demand was not
seriously meant.
"Nevertheless, the King’s speech from the throne in October
surprised the country by announcing that a reform of the
election laws was a fundamental necessity and would be
undertaken during the present session. This announcement
affected the country-squire element like tapping on a hornet’s
nest. The Conservative party immediately gave it to be plainly
understood that it would brook no tampering with the election
laws, the stronghold of its power."
W. C. Dreher,
The Year in Germany
(Atlantic Monthly, January, 1909).
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908 (January).
More vigorous Germanizing of the Polish Provinces.
See (in this Volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
PRUSSIA: A. D. 1909-1910.
Rejection of proposed Reforms of the Elective Franchise.
The Offensive Bill of the following year.
See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: PRUSSIA.
----------PUBLIC HEALTH: Start--------
PUBLIC HEALTH: AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
Proposals of the Second International Conference of
American Republics.
See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
PUBLIC HEALTH: Army Sanitation:
By the Japanese.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905—at the end.
PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE:
In India.
The bubonic plague, which began to terrorize the eastern
world, especially India, in the late years of the last century
(see PLAGUE, in Volume VI.), showed signs of abating in India
in 1900, but regained virulence in the following years, the
mortality from it in all India rising to about 560,000 in
1902, exceeding 842,000 in 1903, going beyond a million in
1904, and rising to 1,125,652 in the year from October 1,
1904, to September 30, 1905. Its worst ravages were in the
Presidency of Bombay and in the Punjab. In the Bombay
Presidency the victims of 1903 numbered 343,904; in the Punjab
they counted 210,493.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: INDIA.
PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE:
In the Philippines: How it was stamped out.
Full accounts of the successful campaign against bubonic
plague in the Philippines, in 1900-1902, are given in the
annual reports of the Philippine Commission. From that source
the main facts were summarized in the May number of the
National Geographic Magazine, 1903, as follows:
Bubonic plague was discovered at Manila on December 26, 1899,
and slowly but steadily increased in its ravages up to
December, 1901. "The deaths in 1900 numbered 199, and in 1901
reached a total of 432. The disease was at its worst each year
during the hot, dry months of March, April, and May, nearly or
quite disappearing during September, October, November, and
December. …
{517}
"On account of the important part which house rats are known
to play in the distribution of bubonic plague, a systematic
campaign was inaugurated against these rodents in Manila.
Policemen, sanitary inspectors, and specially appointed
rat-catchers were furnished with traps and poison, and both
traps and poison were distributed to private individuals under
proper restrictions. A bounty was paid for all rats turned
over to the health authorities, and stations were established
at convenient points throughout the city where they could be
received. Each rat was tagged with the street and number of
the building or lot from which it came, was dropped into a
strong antiseptic solution, and eventually sent to the
Biological Laboratory, where it was subjected to a
bacteriological examination for plague. During the first two
weeks, 1.8 per cent. of the rats examined were found to be
infected. This proportion steadily increased, reaching the
alarming maximum of 2.3 per cent. in October. At this time
numerous rats were found dead of plague in the infected
districts, and, in view of the fact that epidemics of plague
among the rats of a city in the past have been uniformly
followed by epidemics among human beings, the gravest
apprehension was felt, the rapid spread of the disease among
the rats after the weather had become comparatively dry being
a particularly unfavorable symptom.
"It was deemed necessary to prepare to deal with a severe
epidemic, and a permanent detention camp, capable of
accommodating fifteen hundred persons, was accordingly
established on the grounds of the San Lazaro Hospital. Hoping
against hope, the board of health redoubled its efforts to
combat the disease. The force of sanitary inspectors was
greatly increased, and under the able supervision of Dr.
Meacham their work was brought to a high degree of efficiency.
Frequent house-to-house inspections were made in all parts of
the city where the disease was known to exist. The sick were
removed to the hospital if practicable; otherwise they were
cared for where found and the spread of infection guarded
against.
"Plague houses were thoroughly disinfected, and their owners
were compelled, under the direction of the assistant sanitary
engineer, to make necessary alterations. Cement ground-floors
were laid; double walls and double ceilings, affording a
refuge for rats, were removed; defects in plumbing were
remedied; whitewash was liberally used, and, in general,
nothing was left undone that could render buildings where
plague had occurred safe for human occupancy. Buildings
incapable of thorough disinfection and renovation were
destroyed. Buildings in which plague rats were taken were
treated exactly as were those where the disease attacked the
human occupants. The bacteriological examination of rats
enabled the board of health to follow the pest into its most
secret haunts and fight it there, and was the most important
factor in the winning of the great success which was
ultimately achieved.
"With very few exceptions, there was no recurrence of plague
in buildings which had been disinfected and renovated. As
center after center of infection was found and destroyed, the
percentage of diseased rats began to decrease, and in January,
1902, when, judging from the history of previous years, plague
should have again begun to spread among human beings, there
was not a single case. In February, one case occurred. In
March, there were two cases, as against 63 in March of the
preceding year, and before April the disease had completely
disappeared. This result, brought about at a time when the
epidemic would, if unchecked, have reached its height for the
year, marked the end of a fight begun by the board of health
on the day of its organization and prosecuted unremittingly
under adverse conditions for seven months, with a degree of
success which has not been equaled under similar conditions in
the history of bubonic plague.
"During 1901, plague appeared at several points in the
provinces near Manila. Agents of the board of health were
promptly dispatched to the infected municipalities, and
radical remedial measures were adopted, including, in several
instances, the burning of infected buildings, the result being
the complete disappearance of plague in the provinces as well
as in Manila."
PUBLIC HEALTH: CANCER RESEARCH:
Mr. Barnato’s Bequest.
"We are reminded to-day that the late Mr. Harry Barnato
bequeathed a sum of money amounting to a quarter of a million
sterling for the establishment of a charity in memory of his
brother, Mr. Barney Barnato, and of his nephew, Mr. Woolf
Joel, both of whom died before him. We are now officially
informed that the trustees under Mr. Harry Barnato’s will have
determined to apply the bequest to the building and endowment
of an institution for the reception of cancer patients, and to
place its management under the control of the authorities of
the Middlesex Hospital, where special wards for cancer
patients have long been in operation, and where much has been
done in devising means for the alleviation of their
sufferings."
London Times,
August 9, 1909.
Mr. George Crocker, of California, who died in December, 1909,
bequeathed a fund amounting to about $1,500,000 to Columbia
University for the prosecution of researches into the cause,
prevention, and cure of cancer. Mr. Crocker, his wife, and his
father, Charles Crocker of California, all died of the
disease. Mr. Crocker had given $50,000 to Columbia for the
same purpose before his death. Mr. Crocker provided that,
should a cure for the disease be discovered, the money should
be devoted to other medical investigations, "with a view to
preventing and curing diseases and alleviating human
suffering." He stipulated further that no part of the fund
should be used for the erection of a building.
{518}
PUBLIC HEALTH:
The Committee of One Hundred.
Movement for a National Department or Bureau of Health.
A convincing paper read by Professor J. P. Norton, of Yale,
before the economic section of the American Association for
the Advancement of Science at its meeting in 1906, on the
economic advisability of a national regulation of public
health, led to the formation in 1907 of the Committee of One
Hundred, which has labored since that time to bring about the
creation of a Department or a Bureau of Public Health in the
Federal administration of Government. Under the presidency of
Mr. Irving Fisher, and with Mr. Edward T. Devine for its
secretary, the Committee, which includes many of the most
eminent men and women in the country, has awakened wide
interest in the proposition, enlisting a public support which
seems certain to give it success. When the subject came under
discussion in the American Association for the Advancement of
Science at its meeting of 1908, Professor William H. Welch,
the retiring President of the Association, described the
existing neglect of health as shameful, and pointed out that,
if existing hygienic knowledge were fully applied, the death
rate might be cut in two. As examples of what a Federal Health
Bureau might do he cited the work of Pasteur and Koch, whose
best work was done for the national governments of France and
Germany, though the benefits have been shared by all nations.
In America we lack even the statistics of disease except in a
limited area.
In his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, President Taft
urged the institution of the proposed National Bureau of
Health very cogently, in these words: "For a very considerable
period a movement has been gathering strength, especially
among the members of the medical profession, in favor of a
concentration of the instruments of the national government,
which have to do with the promotion of public health. In the
nature of things, the Medical Department of the army and the
Medical Department of the navy must be kept separate. But
there seems to be no reason why all the other bureaus and
offices in the general government which have to do with the
public health or subjects akin thereto should not be united in
a bureau to be called the ‘Bureau of Public Health.’ This
would necessitate the transfer of the Marine Hospital Service
to such a bureau. I am aware that there is a wide field in
respect to the public health committed to the States in which
the Federal government cannot exercise jurisdiction, but we
have seen in the Agricultural Department the expansion into
widest usefulness of a department giving attention to
agriculture when that subject is plainly one over which the
States properly exercise direct jurisdiction. The
opportunities offered for useful research and the spread of
useful information in regard to the cultivation of the soil
and the breeding of stock and the solution of many of the
intricate problems in progressive agriculture have
demonstrated the wisdom of establishing that department.
Similar reasons, of equal force, can be given for the
establishment of a bureau of health that shall not only
exercise the police jurisdiction of the Federal government
respecting quarantine, but which shall also afford an
opportunity for investigation and research by competent
experts into questions of health affecting the whole country,
or important sections thereof, questions which, in the absence
of Federal governmental work, are not likely to be promptly
solved."
PUBLIC HEALTH:
The Hookworm Disease in the United States.
"In the Old World, hookworm disease was probably known to the
Egyptians nearly three thousand five hundred years ago, but
its cause was not understood until about the middle of the
nineteenth century, when it was shown to be due to an
intestinal parasite, Agchylostoma duodenale. Until 1893
no authentic cases of this disease were recognized as such in
the United States, but between 1893 and 1902 about 35 cases
were diagnosed. In 1902 it was shown that a distinct hookworm,
Ucinaria americana, infests man in this country, and
this indicated very strongly that the disease must be present
although not generally recognized. It is now established that
in addition to the few cases of Old World hookworm disease
imported into the United States we have in the South an
endemic uncinariasis due to a distinct cause, Uncinaria
americana. This disease has been known for years in the
South and can be traced in medical writings as far back as
1808, but its nature was not understood. Some cases have been
confused with malaria, others have been attributed to
dirt-eating.
"The hookworms are about half an inch long. They live in the
small intestine, where they suck blood, produce minute
hemorrhages, and in all probability also produce a substance
which acts as a poison. They lay eggs which cannot develop to
maturity in the intestine. These ova escape with the feces and
hatch in about twenty-four hours; the young worm sheds its
skin twice and then is ready to infect man. Infection takes
place through the mouth, either by the hands soiled with
larvae or by infected food. Infection through the drinking
water may possibly occur. Finally, the larvae may enter the
body through the skin and eventually reach the small
intestine.
"Patients may be divided into light cases, in which the
symptoms are very obscure; medium cases, in which the anemia
is more or less marked, and severe cases, represented by the
dwarfed, edematous, anemic dirt-eater. Infection occurs
chiefly in rural sand districts. … Economically, uncinariasis
is very important. It keeps children from school, decreases
capacity for both physical and mental labor, and is one of the
most important factors in determining the present condition of
the poorer whites of the sand and pine districts of the South.
"The disease is carried from the farms to the cotton mills by
the mill hands, but does not spread much in the mills;
nevertheless, it causes a considerable amount of anemia among
the operatives."-
Ch. Wardell Stiles, Ph. D.,
Report upon the Prevalence and Geographic Distribution
of Hookworm Disease
(Public Health and Marine Hospital Service of the
United States: Hygienic Laboratory, Bulletin No. 10).
In the autumn of 1909 Mr. John D. Rockefeller placed a fund of
$1,000,000 under the control of a Commission, to be used for
the eradication of the hookworm disease in the United States.
The fund is allotted in annual instalments of $200,000 each.
PUBLIC HEALTH: India: A. D. 1907-1908.
Mortality Statistics and Birth Rate.
According to statistics given in the "Statement Exhibiting the
Moral and Material Progress and Condition of India during the
year 1907-1908," in most provinces the birth-rates exceeded the
death-rates, but in the Punjab the death-rate exceeded the
birth-rate by no less than 21.3 per mille, mainly as a result
of the persistence of plague and the unusual prevalence of
other epidemics. The total number of deaths registered in the
Dependency was 8,399,623, compared with 7,852,330 in 1906.
This constituted a rise of the rate from 34.73 per mille to
37.18. The mean mortality per 1,000 for the quinquennium
ending 1906 was 33.96. The rate in the Punjab was no less than
62.1.
{519}
Throughout the country as a whole cholera was responsible for
1.81 deaths per mille, smallpox for 0.46, fevers for 19.76,
dysentery and diarrhoea for 1.25, and plague for 5.16. In the
previous year (1906) there was a most welcome decline in the
plague death-rate, which fell from 4.17 in 1905 to 1.33. But
in the year under review this malignant disease (which first
appeared in Bombay in 1896) was responsible for the record
number of 1,315,892 deaths. Happily in 1908 there was again a
very rapid decline of mortality, and the preliminary figures
for the year give a total of less than 150,000 deaths, this
being lower than in any year since 1900. The report shows that
plague has been curiously partial in its distribution, many
parts of the Dependency having almost entirely escaped its
ravages. It is shown that the civil hospitals and dispensaries
in India (2,514 in number) treated 412,425 indoor and no fewer
than 24,469,548 outdoor patients.
PUBLIC HEALTH: Japan: A. D. 1904-1905.
Army Sanitation in the War with Russia.
See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905--at the end.
PUBLIC HEALTH: Malaria:
A Lesson in Practical Hygiene from Italy.
Slowness in using the knowledge gained.
The following is from a letter by Dr. William Osier to the
London Times, dated at Rome, March, 3, 1909: "We owe
much to the Italians for their contributions to our knowledge
of the cause of malaria. Laveran’s great discovery was
promptly fathered by Marchiafava and Celli and Golgi, and it
was through their writings that we obtained the fullest
details of the nature and structure of the malarial parasite.
As an old student of the disease and deeply interested in the
practical problems of its prevention, one of my first visits
in Rome was to the Laboratories of Pathology and of Hygiene to
find out from the Directors, Marchiafava and Celli, the
progress of the battle. It was not enough to know the cause;
we had to know how it worked before effective measures could
be taken, and the demonstration by Ross of the transmission of
the disease by the mosquito at once put malaria on the list of
easily preventable infections. Just ten years ago the Italian
Society for the Study of Malaria was founded, and I was able
to get a full report of the work.
"In Professor Celli’s lecture-room hangs the mortality chart
of Italy for the past 20 years. In 1887 malaria ranked with
tuberculosis, pneumonia, and the intestinal disorders of
children as one of the great infections, killing in that year
21,033 persons. The chart shows a gradual reduction in the
death-rate, and in 1906 only 4,871 persons died of the
disease, and in 1907 4,160. This remarkable result has been
very largely due to the sanitary measures introduced by the
society. It has long been known that malaria disappears
‘spontaneously.’ The Fen country is now healthy; parts of
Canada, about Lakes Ontario and Erie, which were formerly
hotbeds of the disease, are now free. This cannot be
attributed altogether to cultivation and drainage. I know
places on the shores of the lakes just mentioned in which the
conditions today are identical with those which I remember as
a boy. The Desjardin Canal Marsh at the extreme western end of
Lake Ontario was a well-known focus of the disease. The marsh
remains, the mosquitoes are there; but a case of malaria is
almost as rare as in England. The disappearance is largely due
to the free use of quinine. The settlers early recognized the
important fact that malaria was a disease liable to recur, and
it became a common practice to take Peruvian bark every spring
and autumn for a year or two after an attack. This is a point
in prophylaxis which the work of the Italian Society has
brought into prominence. From the summary of the decennial
report just issued, the following paragraphs are of interest:
"‘The society has improved the prophylaxis of malaria, and has
introduced into practice the new mechanical measures based on
the defence of the habitation and the individual from the
bites of mosquitoes. This being a relatively expensive
procedure, the society has occupied itself chiefly with the
improvement of the anti-plasmodic prophylaxis—the
administration of quinine. For this purpose it has promoted
and defended legislation for the gratuitous distribution of
quinine to the poor and to all workers in malarial localities.
…
"‘The results have been that since 1902, when the law on State
quinine was promulgated, while the consumption of quinine has
been yearly increasing, the mortality from malaria has
diminished from about 16,000 to about 4,000 yearly; and in the
army, Custom House Offices, and in some communes where the new
laws have been better applied, the morbidity from malaria has
greatly diminished.’
"By these measures, and ‘by means of the agricultural and
agrarian transformation of the land and colonization, rather
than by the destruction of mosquitoes (a thing impossible to
be done by us on a large scale),’ Italy may be freed from the
scourge."
In a lecture at the Royal Institution, London, in May, 1909,
Major Ronald Ross, one of the most notable workers in this
field of sanitary science, spoke discouragingly of the
progress made in applying the knowledge gained. He said:
"The immediate success hoped for ten years ago had not been
attained. The battle still raged along the whole line, but it
was no longer a battle against malaria but against human
stupidity. Those who had taken part in it had reasoned and
been ridiculed; had given the most stringent experimental
proofs and had been disbelieved; had protested and been called
charlatans. … The few persons who had fought the fight and
failed were scarcely able to continue it, and if no stronger
influences could be excited the future of malaria prevention
in British dominions would certainly be as barren as the past
had been."
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PUBLIC HEALTH: Panama Canal:
The Sanitation of the Canal Zone.
Extirpation of Malaria and Yellow Fever.
Report of Secretary Taft.
In the fall of 1905 Secretary Taft made a visit of inspection
to the Canal, and gave, on his return, an interesting account
of the conditions he found, in an address before the St. Louis
Commercial Club. On the work of Sanitation in progress, under
the direction of Dr. W. C. Gorgas, U. S. A., he gave the
following description: "When Judge Magoon [appointed Governor
of the Canal Zone] arrived upon the Isthmus, he found Dr.
Gorgas battling manfully against the yellow fever, but the
cases seemed to be increasing. Judge Magoon conceived the idea
that the fumigation which had been confined to two or three
houses might well be extended to all the houses in Panama, and
at considerable expense, and after procuring a large amount of
material, every house in Panama was fumigated once every two
weeks. To secure increased vigilance and popular assistance he
employed all [the respectable Panamanian physicians of Panama
as inspectors of the districts of that city, at annual
salaries of $1,200 a year. He also offered $50 reward for the
discovery of any case of yellow fever not reported. By methods
of this kind the native apathy, usually so great an obstacle
to successful sanitation in Spanish countries, was
neutralized.
"The plan of fumigation is as follows: Strips of paper are
placed across the windows, which ordinarily have no glass or
any netting in them, and then by the fumes either of sulphur
or pyrethrum every nook and cranny of the house is visited.
These gases are fatal or paralyzing to the mosquito. After
sufficient time has passed the house is opened, and then a
corps of health employees are set to work cleaning the house
and sweeping out the dead mosquitoes, which are found in great
numbers upon the floors. The mosquitoes are burned to avoid
further mischief. By these methods, for which Dr. Gorgas and
Governor Magoon are both to be credited with great praise,
yellow fever has been reduced to a point where during the last
month only three cases were reported, not one of these among
canal employees, and all originating many miles from the canal
line. The efforts to subdue the fever, instead of being
relaxed, are being continued. Square miles of woven-wire
netting with interstices so small as to prevent the entrance
of mosquitoes are spread about the piazzas of the houses of
all Americans and foreigners who come to live under the
auspices of the Canal Commission in the Isthmus. The windows
inside are also screened, and then mosquito-bars on the beds
are used as a third precaution. Whenever a case of yellow
fever is discovered, the patient is at once either removed to
the hospital and put under a woven-wire screen, or, if he
prefers to remain at home, the woven-wire screen is put over
him and an orderly placed in charge of him at his own
residence. In this way he is prevented from furnishing a
supply of the poison to the healthy mosquitoes, who, in turn,
by stinging, would bring it back to man. In other words, the
plan is to kill all the mosquitoes, well or ill, keep them as
much as possible from stinging man, and isolate every man with
yellow fever, not from his fellows, but from mosquitoes. …
Little by little, and facing discouragement after
discouragement, the two thousand employees of the sanitary
department are winning in this fight against disease, upon
which the whole success of the canal work depends. As Mr.
Stevens said to me, when I crossed the Isthmus with him this
month, ‘I take off my hat to the work which the sanitation
department has done in this Canal Zone.’"
A report to the London Times, in June, 1909, of
conditions on the Canal and in the Canal Zone, shows the
effectiveness with which this work of sanitation was done.
More arduous than the campaign against yellow fever, says the
writer, "was the campaign against malaria, a disease from
which 80 per cent. of the people were suffering to some
degree. This campaign consisted in warfare against mosquitoes
and in the administration of quinine, and the efforts in this
respect have also been highly successful. In 1906 the
proportion of canal employés treated for malaria was no
less than 821 in the thousand. In 1908 it had fallen to 282 in
the thousand. The general effect of sanitary measures may
best be judged from the death-rate among the tens of thousands
of canal employés. In 1906 it was 41.73 to the
thousand, and in 1908 it was only 13.01 to the thousand,
making the canal one of the most healthy industrial
establishments in the world."
PUBLIC HEALTH: PELLAGRA:
Lombroso’s Discovery of its Source.
Its now recognized Seriousness.
In 1872 Cesare Lombroso, the noted criminologist, "incurred a
great deal of odium for a discovery which proved to be of much
scientific and economic importance. He noted the fact that a
large number of the inmates of asylums were suffering from
pellagra, a curious disease, which first affected the
skin and afterwards attacked the brain and nervous system.
Lombroso discovered that the disorder was to be traced to a
poison contained in diseased maize, which the Lombardian
landowners were in the habit of doling out to the poor
peasantry. At a time when toxins were unknown, Lombroso
succeeded in extracting the poison from the maize and
infecting animals with it—quite in the manner of modern
bacteriologists. His discovery was received with much
derision; but a friend of Lombroso, M. Alfred Maury, reported
the facts to Berthelot, the Parisian chemist, who analysed the
poison and established the fact that the maize contained an
injurious substance resembling strychnine but differing from
it in important particulars. The validity of Lombroso’s
discovery was thus triumphantly established. He was not
satisfied with this initial success, but for several years
fought on the platform and in the Press for an improvement in
the economic conditions of the peasantry whereby the ravages
of the disease might be combated." In late years his work of
agitation on the subject has been continued by many others.
The disease is of recognized seriousness in Italy, France, and
latterly in the United States. In November, 1909, the American
Government appointed an official commission to investigate it.
PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS:
International Congresses.
The first International Congress for discussion and action on
the subject of Pure Food was assembled at Geneva in 1908, and
attended by about 600 persons. The second was held at Paris in
October, 1909, and much more largely attended.
PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS: United States: A. D. 1906.
Legislation at the end of a long struggle.
Bulletin No. 104 of the Bureau of Chemistry, Department of
Agriculture, entitled "Food Legislation during the year ended
June 30, 1906," introduces the text of National and State laws
enacted that year with the following remarks: "Food
legislation for the year ended July 1, 1906, is the most
important in the history of the United States. A Federal
pure-food bill in various forms has been before Congress
continuously for more than twenty years, and such a bill
became a law on June 30, 1906. On the same day, as part of the
appropriation bill of the United States Department of
Agriculture, in the sections providing for the Bureau of
Animal Industry, important legislation was enacted with
reference to the inspection of meat and meat food products."
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The Federal Food and Drugs Act of June 30, 1906, enacts in its
first section "That it shall be unlawful for any person to
manufacture within any Territory or the District of Columbia
any article of food or drug which is adulterated or
misbranded, within the meaning of this Act; and any person who
shall violate any of the provisions of this section shall be
guilty of misdemeanor, and for each offense shall, upon
conviction thereof, be fined not to exceed five hundred
dollars or shall be sentenced to one year’s imprisonment, or
both such fine and imprisonment, in the discretion of the
court, and for each subsequent offense and conviction thereof
shall be fined not less than one thousand dollars or sentenced
to one year’s imprisonment, or both such fine and imprisonment,
in the discretion of the court."
The second section declares:
"That the introduction into any State or Territory or the
District of Columbia from any other State or Territory or the
District of Columbia, or from any foreign country, or shipment
to any foreign country of any article of food or drugs which
is adulterated or misbranded within the meaning of this Act,
is hereby prohibited"; and penalties are prescribed for
violations of the law, being a fine not exceeding $200 for the
first offense, and for the second offense a fine not to exceed
$300, or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, in the
discretion of the court.
Section 3 reads as follows:
"That the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of
Agriculture, and the Secretary of Commerce and Labor shall
make uniform rules and regulations for carrying out the
provisions of this Act, including the collection and
examination of specimens of foods and drugs manufactured or
offered for sale in the District of Columbia, or in any
Territory of the United States, or which shall be offered for
sale in unbroken packages in any State other than that in
which they shall have been respectively manufactured or
produced, or which shall be received from any foreign country,
or intended for shipment to any foreign country, or which may
be submitted for examination by the chief health, food, or
drug officer of any State, Territory, or the District of
Columbia, or at any domestic or foreign port through which
such product is offered for interstate commerce, or for export
or import between the United States and any foreign port or
country."
Section 4 prescribes the examination of specimens of food and
drugs in the Bureau of Chemistry, and section 5 relates to
prosecutions for violation of the Act. Sections 6, 7, and 8
define adulteration and misbranding, as follows:
"Section 6. That the term ‘drug,’ as used in this Act, shall
include all medicines and preparations recognized in the
United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary for internal
or external use, and any substance or mixture of substances
intended to be used for the cure, mitigation, or prevention of
disease of either man or other animals. The term ‘food,’ as
used herein, shall include all articles used for food, drink,
confectionery, or condiment by man or other animals, whether
simple, mixed, or compound.
"Section 7. That for the purposes of this Act an article shall
be deemed to be adulterated:
"In case of drugs:
"First. If, when a drug is sold under or by a name recognized
in the United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary, it
differs from the standard of strength, quality, or purity, as
determined by the test laid down in the United States
Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary official at the time of
investigation: Provided, That no drug defined in the
United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary shall be
deemed to be adulterated under this provision if the standard
of strength, quality, or purity be plainly stated upon the
bottle, box, or other container thereof although the standard
may differ from that determined by the test laid down in the
United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary.
"Second. If its strength or purity fall below the professed
standard or quality under which it is sold.
"In the case of confectionery:
"If it contain terra alba, barytes, talc, chrome yellow, or
other mineral substance or poisonous color or flavor, or other
ingredient deleterious or detrimental to health, or any
vinous, malt or spirituous liquor or compound or narcotic
drug.
"In the case of food:
"First.
If any substance has been mixed and packed with it so as to
reduce or lower or injuriously affect its quality or strength.
"Second.
If any substance has been substituted wholly or in part for
the article.
"Third.
If any valuable constituent of the article has been wholly or
in part abstracted.
"Fourth.
If it be mixed, colored, powdered, coated, or stained in a
manner whereby damage or inferiority is concealed.
"Fifth.
If it contain any added poisonous or other added deleterious
ingredient which may render such article injurious to health:
Provided, That when in the preparation of food products
for shipment they are preserved by any external application
applied in such manner that the preservative is necessarily
removed mechanically, or by maceration in water, or otherwise,
and directions for the removal of said preservative shall be
printed on the covering of the package, the provisions of this
Act shall be construed as applying only when said products are
ready for consumption.
"Sixth.
If it consists in whole or in part of a filthy, decomposed, or
putrid animal or vegetable substance, or any portion of an
animal unfit for food, whether manufactured or not, or if it
is the product of a diseased animal, or one that has died
otherwise than by slaughter.
"Section 8.
That the term ‘misbranded,’ as used herein, shall apply to all
drugs, or articles of food, or articles which enter into the
composition of food, the package or label of which shall bear
any statement, design, or device regarding such article, or
the ingredients or substances contained therein which shall be
false or misleading in any particular, and to any food or drug
product which is falsely branded as to the State, Territory,
or country in which it is manufactured or produced.
"That for the purposes of this Act an article shall also be
deemed to be misbranded:
"In case of drugs:
"First.
If it be an imitation of or offered for sale under the name of
another article.
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"Second.
If the contents of the package as originally put up shall have
been removed, in whole or in part, and other contents shall
have been placed in such package, or if the package fail to
bear a statement on the label of the quantity or proportion of
any alcohol, morphine, opium, cocaine, heroin, alpha or beta
eucaine, chloroform, cannabis indica, chloral hydrate, or
acetanilide, or any derivative or preparation of any of such
substances contained therein.
"In the case of food:
"First.
If it be an imitation of or offered for sale under the
distinctive name of another article.
"Second.
If it be labeled or branded so as to deceive or mislead the
purchaser, or purport to be a foreign product when not so, or
if the contents of the package as originally put up shall have
been removed in whole or in part and other contents shall have
been placed in such package, or if it fail to bear a statement
on the label of the quantity or proportion of any morphine,
opium, cocaine, heroin, alpha or beta eucaine, chloroform,
cannabis indica, chloral hydrate, or acetanilide, or any
derivative or preparation of any of such substances contained
therein.
"Third.
If in package form, and the contents are stated in terms of
weight or measure, they are not plainly and correctly stated
on the outside of the package.
"Fourth.
If the package containing it or its label shall bear any
statement, design, or device regarding the ingredients or the
substances contained therein, which statement, design, or
device shall be false or misleading in any particular:
Provided, That an article of food which does not
contain any added poisonous or deleterious ingredients shall
not be deemed to be adulterated or misbranded in the following
cases:
"First.
In the case of mixtures or compounds which may be now or from
time to time hereafter known as articles of food, under their
own distinctive names, and not an imitation of or offered for
sale under the distinctive name of another article, if the
name be accompanied on the same label or brand with a
statement of the place where said article has been
manufactured or produced.
"Second.
In the case of articles labeled, branded, or tagged so as to
plainly indicate that they are compounds, imitations, or
blends, and the word ‘compound,’ ‘imitation,’ or ‘blend,’ as
the case may be, is plainly stated on the package in which it
is offered for sale: Provided, That the term blend as
used herein shall be construed to mean a mixture of like
substances, not excluding harmless coloring or flavoring
ingredients used for the purpose of coloring and flavoring
only: And provided further, That nothing in this Act
shall be construed as requiring or compelling proprietors or
manufacturers of proprietary foods which contain no
unwholesome added ingredient to disclose their trade formulas,
except in so far as the provisions of this Act may require to
secure freedom from adulteration or misbranding."
There was never a harder fight in Congress than that by which
this victory was won, over knaveries that, were not ashamed to
insist on their right to swindle and poison the public by
adulterations and frauds. Nothing but a thoroughly roused
public feeling carried the measure through. The same feeling
impelled local legislation to the same end in thirty-two
States, during 1906, and 1907, all of which is set forth in
the Bulletin cited above and in another of the same series
(No. 112), published in two parts in the following year.
Writing in January, 1908, of what the Pure Food Law had
accomplished, the Chairman of the Food Committee of the
National Consumers League, Alice Lakey, said: "One of the most
important results of the Pure Food Law is the awakening of
many consumers to their responsibilities as buyers of food
products. They are studying labels and buying foods
accordingly. With an intelligent consuming public to purchase
goods, the Pure Food Law will in time accomplish its full
purpose. Perhaps no better phrase will then be found to
describe it than the recent utterance of the manager of one of
the most important food firms in the country. ‘The Pure Food
Law,’ he said, ‘passed by this Government, is the most
important law ever passed by any government.’"
PUBLIC HEALTH: United States: A. D. 1906.
The Packing-House Investigation.
One of the influences which forced the passage through
Congress of the pure food legislation of 1906 came from the
revelations in a report laid before the President on the 4th
of June that year, by two commissioners whom he had appointed
to investigate the conditions existing at the stockyards and
packing-houses of Chicago. In communicating the report to
Congress the President characterized its disclosures as
revolting, and it is certain that the whole public was
sickened by the pictures it drew of reckless filthiness
prevailing in the establishments where meats were prepared for
sale in the markets of the country and of the world. We shall
not attempt to reproduce them here.
The most important part of the report concerned the existing
methods of official inspection of meats. The commissioners
found it most rigorous where it is needed least, namely, at
the time of killing. It was while the meat was being handled,
and especially in its preparation for canning, that it
underwent the most pollution. The cans which received it
finally were allowed to bear labels stating that "the contents
of this package have been inspected according to the Act of
Congress of March 3, 1891. Quality Guaranteed." As a matter of
fact, all that had been inspected was the carcass of the
animal at the time of killing.
The further legislation, respecting inspections, which
supplemented the law quoted from above, was resisted with all
their power by the enormously rich meat-packing companies of
the country, who found strong supporters in Congress, but they
had to submit to defeat.
PUBLIC HEALTH:
The Sleeping Sickness in Africa.
"The most formidable enemy of both man and beast in tropical
Africa is the tsetse, species Glossina, a genus of
blood-sucking fly peculiar to that land, which carries a
minute parasite, the trypanosome, from the infected to the
healthy, resulting in the production of sleeping sickness,
or trypanosomiasis. When it is known that in the region lying
around Victoria Nyanza, Lake Tanganyika, and the Victorian
Nile over 400,000 human beings have succumbed to this fatal
malady since it appeared about ten years ago, its appalling
nature is apparent. Vast territories of thickly populated,
fertile country near the shores of these lakes, until the
advent of this terrible plague the homes of a happy, contented
people, are now almost depopulated, and thousands of little
villages have been swept away, their inhabitants victims of
this deadly pest.
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"In appearance the tsetse fly bears a remarkable resemblance
to the ordinary house-fly, but is slightly larger, with longer
wings, which extend beyond its body and lap each other when at
rest like the blades of a pair of scissors. It is somber gray,
nearly black in color, almost like the honey-bee, and has a
prominent proboscis ensheathed in the palpi which project
horizontally in front of its head. The abdomen is marked by
four distinct yellowish bands, with a pale spot over the upper
segment. It is wonderfully active, and evades every attempt at
capture except in the cool of the morning or evening, when its
movements are sluggish and it can be caught in the hand. …
"Sleeping sickness has been known in Sierra Leone, in the
Congo, and on the west coast of Africa since the earliest
history of those lands. In 1870 a fossil tsetse fly (Glossina
morsitans) was discovered in Colorado, and the theory has been
advanced that the absence of wild horses on the American
continent was due to the ravages of the disease carried by
these flies.
"The malady was described as early as 1803, and later most
accurately by Livingstone, the great missionary explorer. He
also advocated arsenic in its treatment. This remedy, after
half a century of research and investigation, still retains
its place as the best one known for prolonging life. …
"The period of the incubation of the disease after the bite of
the infected fly varies from a month to several years,
depending upon the resisting power of the patient. In its
earlier stages the first noticeable symptoms are irregular
fever. … This stage may continue a year, or even longer.
"In the following stage the symptoms are due to the
trypanosomes reaching the cerebrospinal fluid, giving rise to
cerebral manifestations; drowsiness, stupor, dullness of
hearing, slowness in perception and of answering questions,
with incapacity for mental exertion, and somnolence, the
patient sometimes sleeping the entire day. This condition may
continue several years, during which time epileptiform
convulsions develop, with marked tremulousness of the muscles
of the face and tongue, the patient becoming maniacal and the
whole symptomatology resembling that of general paresis of the
insane. …
"Previous to 1901 sleeping sickness was unknown in Uganda. How
the present epidemic originated is not positively known. The
most generally accepted theory is that the soldiers of Emin
Pasha and their followers introduced it, as some ten thousand
of them settled in Busoga after the Sudan campaign. …
"The duration of the sleeping sickness in man is very
variable. Occasionally cases linger six or even eight years,
and until the expiration of this period they are constant foci
of infection.
"Recognizing the fatal nature of the disease, the various
nations whose territories are most seriously affected, notably
England, Germany, Portugal, France, and Belgium, appointed
commissioners, with competent assistants, to ascertain methods
for its control. The enormous amount of investigation and
research accomplished by these self-sacrificing men, among
whom may be mentioned Bruce, Koch, Hodges, Broden, Tullock,
Kopke, Martin, Hardy, and Kleine, two of whom forfeited their
lives in the work, entitles their names to be enrolled among
the benefactors of mankind."
Louis L. Seaman,
The Sleeping Sickness
(The Outlook, January 15, 1909).
PUBLIC HEALTH: Tuberculosis:
The Organized Warfare for its Eradication.
After the discovery of the all important fact that the most
destroying of the diseases of the human race, tuberculosis
(the dread "consumption" of the older-fashioned nomenclature
of pathology), is in its nature one so propagated from victim
to victim that the propagation is needless, and may absolutely
be ended by right precautions universally applied, there were
ardent workers soon engaged in eager efforts to bring such
measures into use. The beginning of a hopefully inspired
warfare against the disease dates, therefore, from the
identification of the bacillus of tuberculosis by Dr. Robert
Koch, in 1882; but, for nearly two decades after that
inspiration it was little more than a guerrilla undertaking,
by scientifically benevolent individuals and groups, here and
there in the world. It was not until the latest years of the
nineteenth century and the earliest of the twentieth that more
public risings appeared in the movement, and it began to
acquire the momentum of a crusade.
Germany appears to have been earliest in the fundamental
organization of measures to instruct its people in the nature
of the disease, and in the means by which it may be stamped
out; as well as in the provision of special sanatoria and
hospitals for the new open-air treatment of those attacked.
But the Health Department of the City of New York has the
credit of being the first official body to bring the disease
under efficient administrative control. On this subject Dr.
Hermann M. Biggs, in an address delivered, February 16, 1904,
under the auspices of the Henry Phipps Institute and published
in the first annual report of the Institute, said:
"Notwithstanding all that has been said and written,
notwithstanding the popular education and agitation,
notwithstanding the formation of antituberculosis societies
and antituberculosis leagues, notwithstanding the organization
of many associations for the erection of sanatoria, and the
foundation of institutions for the study of tuberculosis,
notwithstanding the measures adopted for the prevention of the
disease in animals, still only a very small percentage of the
governmental, municipal and state sanitary authorities of this
country, Great Britain and the Continent have adopted
provisions which can be regarded as in any way comprehensive,
or effective in dealing with this disease.

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"If we seek for an adequate explanation for this attitude, it
is not, after all, difficult to find. In speaking of this
matter several years ago, Koch said in substance to the
writer: ‘The adoption in Germany of such measures as are
already in force in New York City will not be possible until
the generation of medical men now in control have passed away.
Not until a younger generation has appeared, which has had a
different scientific training, and holds views more in harmony
with the known facts regarding the etiology of tuberculosis,
will it be possible in my opinion to bring about an
intelligent supervision of this disease. … Notification is a
necessary preliminary to any plan of supervision, and yet only
five years ago a special commission of the Academy of Medicine
of Paris reported against a proposition to place tuberculosis
in the class of notifiable diseases. … Sir Richard Thorne, the
Medical Officer to the Local Government Board of Great
Britain, in the Harben lecture in 1898 on ‘The Administrative
Control of Tuberculosis,’ after a careful consideration of the
various problems presented under the English law relating to
infectious diseases, pronounced definitely against this
proposition, on the ground that the hardship to the
individual, which would follow notification and the
enforcement of proper regulations, would be so great as to
render this measure unjustifiable. … The compulsory
notification and registration of all cases is essential. The
fundamental importance of this measure is so evident that its
consideration seems hardly necessary. It must of course appear
at once that unless there is a system of compulsory
notification, and registration, the enforcement of any uniform
measures for prevention is impossible. Practical experience
with this procedure has made it perfectly clear that the
objections which have been urged against it are without force
or foundation.
"In New York City in 1893 a system of partially voluntary and
partially compulsory notification was adopted. Public
institutions were required to report cases coming under their
supervision; private physicians were requested to do this.
Under this provision the Department of Health carried on this
work for three and a half years, and then adopted in 1897
regulations requiring the notification of all cases. … The
mere fact of notification and registration has in itself a
very powerful educational influence. During the year 1902 more
than sixteen thousand cases were reported to the Department of
Health in New York City, of which forty-two hundred were
duplicates, and in 1903 more than seventeen thousand cases
were reported.
"To facilitate the early and definite diagnosis of all cases
of pulmonary tuberculosis, the sanitary authorities should
afford facilities for the free bacteriological examination of
the sputum in all instances of suspected disease. … The
Department of Health of New York City provided facilities for
such examinations in 1894, early in the history of its attempt
to exercise control over the disease, and this procedure has
proved of very great value to the medical profession, to the
sick, and to the authorities. Following the example of New
York City, other sanitary authorities have adopted similar
measures."
H. M. Biggs,
The Administrative Control of Tuberculosis
(First Annual Report, Henry Phipps Institute, 1905).
In 1895 a Central Committee was organized in Germany to
establish special hospitals for the disease.
In 1898 the first National Congress for discussion and better
organization of action relative to tuberculosis was held at
Paris, with some attendance from outside of France. The second
National Congress was at Berlin in the following year, with
similar attendance from other countries, and the third at
Naples in 1900. At the Naples Congress a "Central
International Committee for the Prevention of Tuberculosis"
was organized, and it held its first Conference in Berlin,
under the auspices of the Central German Committee, in 1902.
The succeeding meetings of the Central International Committee
were at Paris, 1903, at Copenhagen, 1904, at Paris again,
1904, and there, at that time, the First International
Congress on Tuberculosis was held.
In 1901 the first National Congress in Great Britain for the
discussion of Tuberculosis and for organizing preventive
undertakings was held at London. There were said to be then
fifty sanitaria for its treatment in Germany; in France a
dozen private and two public institutions for the purpose; in
France and Belgium a number of public dispensaries specially
provided for the disease. In that year the State of New York
made its first appropriation for a Tuberculosis Hospital in
the Adirondacks, and a National Sanitarium Association at
Toronto, Canada, secured the site for a hospital.
In 1902, at the annual meeting of the Canada Association for
the Prevention of Tuberculosis, held at Ottawa, Dr. A. S.
Knopf, of New York, speaking of the progress of the
anti-tuberculosis movement, said of the United States: "We
have but a few small societies striving to do the same work
you are doing. They are the Pennsylvania, the Colorado, the
Ohio, the Maine, the Minnesota and the Illinois." Besides
these State Associations the speaker mentioned a few
cities,—Baltimore, Buffalo and Erie County, Cleveland, and St.
Louis,—as having some organization for the work. No national
organization had yet been formed. In this year, however, some
advances of importance within the United States were begun.
Henry Phipps, of New York, pledged the means for supporting a
free Clinic for Tuberculosis at Philadelphia, which expanded
within a year into the Henry Phipps Institute, founded on the
1st of February and incorporated September 1st, 1903, the
purposes of which, as set forth in its charter, are: "The
study of the cause, treatment, and prevention of tuberculosis,
and the dissemination of knowledge on these subjects; the
treatment and the cure of consumptives"; its benefits to be
"administered without regard to race, creed or color." In this
year, too, an active educational work, by weekly free lectures
in the Assembly Hall of the United Charities Building, by
distributing pamphlets, district nursing, etc., was opened in
the City of New York and conducted by a Committee for the
Prevention of Tuberculosis. Massachusetts was now
appropriating money for its second sanatorium. In Great
Britain, Sir Edward Cassell placed £200,000 at the disposal of
the King for Tuberculosis hospitals and Sanatoria.
{525}
The year 1903 witnessed an important meeting at Paris of the
Central International Tuberculosis Committee, which was
stirred by an appeal from Casimir-Perier, ex-President of
France, for "a mobilization of all social forces" against the
devastating disease. The Government of Sweden instituted a
free distribution of pamphlets on the subject of Tuberculosis
throughout the kingdom. In Great Britain a national committee,
representing all important friendly societies and trade
unions, was formed to promote the establishing of sanatoria
for workers. In Belgium, Madame Rene Gauge started the
movement for Open Air Schools. At Baltimore a Tuberculosis
Exhibition which awakened wide interest was arranged by a
Commission appointed by the Governor of Maryland in the
previous year, in cooperation with the Maryland Public Health
Association. State and City organizations for dealing with the
disease and for educating the people to a right understanding
of the means by which it might be stamped out were now
multiplying rapidly throughout the United States.
In 1904 the United States obtained their first comprehensive
organization for the work. The National Association for Study
and Prevention of Tuberculosis was formed at a large meeting
at Atlantic City in June, with Dr. Edward Trudeau of Saranac,
founder of the Saranac cottage sanatoria and pioneer in
America of the open air treatment of the disease, for its
President, and Drs. William Osier, of Baltimore, and Hermann
M. Biggs for Vice Presidents. In Boston, that year, no less
than eighty-one free lectures on Tuberculosis were given in
schools, churches, social settlements, before trade unions and
clubs, under the auspices of the Boston Association, and
70,000 instructive leaflets were distributed. In France a
special Society for the Protection of Children from
Tuberculosis was formed. The Garment-makers Union and the
Typographical Union of New York entered jointly into
undertakings of educational work among their members, and the
Central Federated Union was soon enlisted with them. A
Directory of Institutions and Societies dealing with
Tuberculosis in the United States, published in January, 1905,
described 125 then existing hospitals and sanatoria in which
consumptives may receive treatment, and 32 special
dispensaries; recounting, also, special measures for the
treatment of the disease in penal institutions and hospitals
for the insane.
The most important campaign of 1905 in the crusade, within the
American field, was probably that connected with the great
Tuberculosis Exposition in New York City, prepared and
conducted by the National Association, in cooperation with the
Committee of the New York Charity Organization Society. New
York City, in this year, appropriated $250,000 for a Municipal
Tuberculosis Hospital, located in the Catskill Mountains.
In 1906 a duplication of the Tuberculosis Exposition of the
previous December in New York was carried, as a travelling
exhibit, to different parts of the city, with impressive
effect; and similar exhibits were given in eleven cities of
the United States. It was reported in this year that about
fifty local commissions and associations were actively in
operation in the United States; and that the American
Federation of Labor, as well as the American Federation of
Women’s Clubs, were enlisted with earnestness in the work. The
Fifth International Conference was held this year at The
Hague.
From this time the public awakening to recognition of the
measureless importance and the inspiring hopefulness of the
struggle to extinguish the deadly "white plague" spread
rapidly everywhere, and each year made increasing records of
gains in the work and its effects. Fourteen of the American
States were reported in 1907 as having founded State hospitals
for the disease, supported from public funds, while measures
were in progress to that end in a number of other States.
In 1908 a most powerful impulse to the crusade in America was
imparted by the meeting at Washington, that year, of the
International Congress on Tuberculosis, with a large
attendance of the most distinguished captains of the warfare
from abroad. The local interest aroused was beyond
expectation. As one writer described the meetings of the seven
sections of the Congress, from September 28 to October 3,
"scientists of international reputation and doctors from
country villages, clubwomen, architects, social workers,
manufacturers, teachers, labor men, Socialists, literary men,
lawyers and lawmakers, society women, and the clergy, were all
there, not only to listen, but to take part."
The subjects which received the most discussion at the
Congress were the compulsory notification of pulmonary
tuberculosis, the cooperation between official and
non-official agencies for the prevention of the disease, the
relationship between dispensaries, sanatoria, and hospitals
for advanced cases, and the difference between the human and
the bovine types of the bacillus. On this latter subject Dr.
Koch, who was present, maintained his belief that bovine
tuberculosis is not communicable to mankind, but failed to
convince the majority of the scientists present. The British
delegates to the Congress in their subsequent report of it,
published in April, 1909, attached particular importance to
the discussions on the subject of the compulsory notification
of cases of tuberculosis, and pointed out that in New York the
notifications were shown to be four times as numerous as the
deaths, which indicated a more complete system than any yet
operative in Great Britain. It appeared from their report,
however, that, since the Washington meeting, the system of
voluntary notification already practised in many parts of
England had been extended by order of the Local Government
Board, and rendered compulsory in the case of all patients
suffering from pulmonary tuberculosis, who came under the
official care of a parochial medical officer.
Statistics quoted in the New York Evening Post of May
8, 1909, from the Imperial Gazette, show that in recent
years there has been a steady decrease in the number of deaths
in Germany from tuberculosis, and especially from tuberculosis
of the lungs. The figures are based upon the monthly reports
of deaths in 350 of the largest centres of population in the
empire, and upon annual reports as to the causes of deaths
from nearly all districts, as supplied to the Imperial Board
of Health. The average of deaths per 100,000 in 1905 was
226.6. In 1908 the average had fallen to 192.15. For the rural
and urban population combined statistics are forthcoming for
97 per cent. of the total population, divided into two
classes—persons below the age of fifteen, and persons between
fifteen and sixty.
{526}
In the latter class the average number of deaths annually
between 1898 and 1902 from tuberculosis in all forms was
268.5, and from tuberculosis of the lungs, 255.7 per 100,000.
During the period 1903-1907 the annual averages decreased to
242.8 and 228.8 per 100,000, respectively. The figures,
however, for tuberculosis of all kinds among children between
the ages of one year and fifteen show an average annual
increase in deaths per 100,000 from 77.9 during the period
1898-1902 to 81.1 during the period 1903-1907. Yet during the
latter period of five years the actual number of deaths among
children has gradually decreased from 16,250 in 1905 to 14,283
in 1907. For the two classes together the annual average of
deaths per 100,000 was as follows: From 1898-1902—from
tuberculosis in all forms, 214.1, and from tuberculosis of the
lungs 195.2; from 1903-1907—from tuberculosis in all forms
197.8, and from tuberculosis of the lungs 174.2.
According to a bulletin published in October, 1909, by Cressy
L. Wilbur, Chief Statistician of the division of Vital
Statistics in the United States Census Bureau, the warfare
against tuberculosis has begun to show general effects in the
United States. The statistics given are based on the annual
returns of deaths from the death-registration areas of the
country, which are far from comprehending the whole. The total
number of deaths from all forms of tuberculosis returned in
1908 was 78,289, exceeding those of any previous year of
registration, but the death rate per 100,000 for 1908 is
considerably less than that for 1907. In all registration
States the death from tuberculosis showed a decline, except in
Colorado, Rhode Island, and Vermont.
A Press despatch from Washington, August 9, 1909, announced
that "a plan for the organization of negro anti-tuberculosis
leagues in the various States, proposed recently by the United
States Public Health and Marine Hospital Service, has met with
a quick response. Already five State organizations have been
formed, and the movement has received the endorsement of the
last conference of the State and Territorial boards of health.
State leagues have been formed in Georgia, Louisiana,
Mississippi, North Carolina, and Virginia. One of the
principal features of the plan is the issuance of a large
certificate of membership to each supporter of the movement.
Branches of the State leagues are to be established in the
various negro churches."
In July, 1909, the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company made
application to the New York State Insurance Department for
permission to purchase a tract of land, 3000 acres or more,
and erect thereon a sanatorium for the treatment of its
employees, and possibly of its policy-holders who suffered
from tuberculosis. The company was said to have ascertained
that among the holders of its 9,000,000 policies there
occurred, on the average, a death every thirty-two minutes
from tuberculosis, and that, regarded wholly from the economic
standpoint, it would be more than justified in applying its
funds to such a measure for saving or prolonging life in that
body of people. The Superintendent of Insurance was unable,
however, to find any warrant in law for authorizing the
undertaking, and felt required to deny the application. The
company appealed from his decision to the courts, and the
Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of the State handed
down a decision early in January, 1910, declaring the plan to
purchase real estate to be used as a hospital for the care and
treatment of its employees who are afflicted with tuberculosis
does not violate that provision of the law which prohibits
insurance companies from acquiring real estate for any purpose
other than that of the transaction of their own business. "The
court passes lightly over the question of the possibility of
the hospital being used, in case vacancies exist in it, for
the accommodation of selected cases from among the
policy-holders. This possibility, it seems, had been indicated
in the original petition, but ‘the briefs of counsel upon
either side,’ says the court, ‘have practically eliminated
that question.’ In such a use of the hospital there might be
serious question of a precedent that would be open to grave
objection."
Gifts to the amount of $700,000 for the establishment of a
tuberculosis preventorium for children were announced from New
York, through the Associated Press, November 9, 1909. The
further statement was made that, "in connection with the
tuberculosis preventorium a movement has been organized which
purposes to take from New York tenements children who have
been affected with tuberculosis and restore them to normal
health before it is too late. The plan was formally organized
at a meeting this afternoon in the Fifth avenue residence of
Henry Phipps. A contribution to the work by Nathan Straus
includes a $500,000 cottage and estate at Lakewood, New
Jersey, occupied by the late Grover Cleveland just before his
death. There the new institution will have its home. Miss
Dorothy Whitney contributed a $100,000 endowment fund."
PUBLIC HEALTH: Yellow Fever:
Eradication in Cuba, at Rio Janeiro,
and in French Western Africa.
"Three signal victories have been gained over yellow fever
during these later years—in Cuba, in Brazil, and in Dakar, in
West Africa. The first is the most memorable of these events.
It is the purification of the endemic center at Habana. This
occurred in 1901, during the United States occupation. The
daily press in countless articles has spread the details. We
know that Brigadier General Leonard Wood, governor of Habana,
decreed one fine day that the plague should be wiped out and
the mosquitoes destroyed throughout the entire city of Habana
and its suburbs, and we know that it was done. …
"The theory was that the mosquito is the sole disseminator of
the disease. This is precisely what the United States
commission, appointed the year before, had just proven. It had
shown that all the other supposed cases of contagion were
imaginary. …
"The yellow fever Stegomya does not breed in swamps. It has
not the habits of the Anophele of the marsh, the malaria
mosquito. It does not live like that one, in the open country,
but dwells in houses. It is a domestic insect. It stays at
home, is wary, and is sensitive to the weather. Like many
other mosquitoes, it never goes more than 500 or 600 yards
away from its breeding place and journeys only when its home
—a vessel or a carriage—journeys. There is no need to fear
that the insect may be carried far by the wind, for it dreads
the wind. It does not trust itself outdoors when there is the
slightest breeze. The problem is thus simplified.
{527}
It is no longer a question of protecting immense areas. It is
enough to protect the house and its immediate environs—the
city and a limited surrounding zone. Still it would be useless
to capture the insect on the wing or at rest. It is permitted
to complete its short life, but is not allowed to have
offspring . The female is prevented from laying its eggs. This
is accomplished by draining stagnant water left in so many
gardens and household utensils where the mosquito seeks a
breeding place. Hence the efficacy of the measures which
forbade the people of Habana from keeping water in any other
way than in covered receptacles or with a coat of oil or
petroleum on top.
"The success of the measures taken by the American physicians,
Gorgas, Finlay, and Guiteras, in Habana, was complete. Yellow
fever has disappeared from there. On April 4, 1904, the
President of the Republic of Cuba, in his message to the
Congress, spoke thus:
"‘There has not been in Cuba since 1901 a single case of
yellow fever not imported. The country should know of this
excellent sanitary condition, which is due to the perfection
of prophylactic measures and the vigilance of the health
authorities.’
"Events happened in the same way in Brazil. Dr. Oswald Cruz,
in charge of the organization of the campaign against yellow
fever, with equal success repeated at Rio de Janeiro what had
been done in Habana. The enforcement of the measures began
April 20, 1903. The mortality which before had averaged 150
deaths a month fell to 8 in the month of April and to 4 in
June. In January, 1904, there were recorded only 3 deaths.
"France decided to follow these encouraging examples. The
governor-general of French Western Africa, M. Roume, adopted
an administration analogous to that of Habana and Rio de
Janeiro, and he knew how to profit by these examples."
A. Dastre,
The Fight against Yellow Fever
(Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution,
1904-1905, pages 348-350).
----------PUBLIC HEALTH: End--------
PUBLIC UTILITIES, Regulation of:
The New York and Wisconsin Laws.
The most comprehensive and well-prepared legislation yet
directed in the United States to the control and regulation of
corporations which render services to the public, of the
nature described by the term "public utilities," is
undoubtedly embodied in the New York and Wisconsin laws,
enacted in 1907. Both States, and many others, had
experimented previously with measures for establishing a
certain degree of supervision and regulation over railway
corporations, gas companies, and the like, dealing separately
with them; but, excepting perhaps, in the case of
Massachusetts, this had not been satisfactorily effective.
Governor Hughes, of New York, was the real author of the
Public Utilities Law enacted in that State in 1907, and his
influence was the impelling force which carried it through the
Legislature.
See(in this Volume)
NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910).
Almost equally, ex-Governor La Follette must be credited, not
immediately, but primarily, with the organization of the
forces which brought out the Wisconsin Law.
The two enactments are compared by Professor John R. Commons
in an article published in the American Review of
Reviews, of August, 1907, from which the following
passages are quoted:
"The Wisconsin and New York laws are alike in that both State
utilities like railroads and municipal utilities like gas are
brought under the regulation of the same commission. They
differ from the laws of Massachusetts, which provide a
separate commission for railways. These three States, however,
are the only ones that regulate municipal utilities through a
State commission. Many other States have railroad commissions,
but they leave whatever regulation they have of local
utilities to the local governments. … A significant feature of
the Wisconsin legislation is its disregard of stocks and bonds
and its reliance on the physical valuation of the property as
the first step in regulation. The New York law and the
Street-Railway law of Massachusetts attack the problem of
regulation through the control of future capitalization. The
New York commissions have power to prohibit the issue and
transfer of stocks, bonds, and other evidence of indebtedness,
and to prevent the transfer of shares to holding companies.
The Wisconsin law begins at the other end of the problem and,
for the purpose both of regulation and of publicity, inquires
into the present structural value of the property. This does
not mean that the commission shall disregard other elements of
valuation,—in fact, it is required by the law to take all
elements into account, as indeed the courts would require if
it did not. But the physical valuation is necessary in order
that the public and the courts may know exactly how much is
allowed for the other elements. The commission is required to
value all of the properties in the State and to publish both
the actual value ascertained when all elements are taken into
account and the physical value ascertained by its engineers. …
"The [Wisconsin] law as finally adopted consists really of
three laws: First, an amendment to the Railway law of 1905,
placing telegraph companies and street railways under the same
provisions as steam railways and interurban electric lines;
second, the Public-Utilities law proper, regulating heat,
light, water, power, and telephone companies; third, a
Street-Railway law providing for indeterminate permits similar
to those of the Public-Utilities law. A fourth bill, requiring
physical connection and prohibiting duplication of telephone
exchanges, was defeated by a vote of the Assembly."
The New York Law created two Public Utilities Commissions of
five members each, one having jurisdiction in a district
comprising New York City alone, the district of the other
(known as the Up-State Commission) comprehending the remainder
of the State. The five-year terms of the Commissioners expire
in successive years. Appointed by the Governor, they are
intended to be men of the highest character and
qualifications, and receive salaries of $15,000 each. The
appointments by Governor Hughes for the New York City
Commission were of ex-Postmaster William R. Wilcox, William
McCarroll, Edward M. Bassett, Milo R. Maltbie, John E. Eustis.
For the Up-State Commission he named originally Honorable
Frank W. Stevens, of Jamestown, Charles H. Keep, of Buffalo,
Thomas M. Osborne, of Auburn, James E. Sague and Martin S.
Decker. Mr. Keep resigned subsequently to accept the
presidency of an important New York City bank, and John B.
Olmsted, of Buffalo, was appointed in his place.
{528}
PUBLIC UTILITIES:
New York City Gas Company.
In 1906 the New York Legislature passed a bill reducing the
price of gas in New York City to 80 cents per thousand feet.
The gas companies claimed that this rate was confiscatory.
Pending final decision of the matter the citizens were
compelled to pay the old rate of $1.00 per thousand.
Ultimately the law was sustained, and the gas companies
refunded over eight millions of dollars in 1909 to the
consumers of the past three years.
See, also (in this Volume),
RAILWAYS.
PUNJAB: The Plague.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE.
PUNJAB:
Terrific Earthquake.
See(in this Volume)
EARTHQUAKES: INDIA: A. D. 1905.
PURE FOOD LEGISLATION.
See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.
PU-YI (Hsuan-Tung):
Child Emperor of China.
See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).
Q.
QUEBEC, City of: A. D. 1908.
Tercentenary Celebration of its Founding.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1908 (JULY).
QUEBEC, Province of: A. D. 1901.
Census.
See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
R.
----------RACE PROBLEMS: Start--------
RACE PROBLEMS: In Australia:
Between Europeans and Asiatics.
"Australia occupies a unique position among the nations. It is
an island, lying far from the populated centres of the Old
World and in close proximity to Java and the teeming millions
of Southern and Eastern Asia, who at any time may bear down in
flood upon the scanty forces of the defenders. These pent-up
myriads are at present in a state of unrest, and there are
evidences of a distinct inclination on their part to break
bounds and descend upon the coasts of the great southern land.
On the north-eastern shores of the continent they have already
broken through the thin red line of the British, and have
firmly established themselves in the country beyond. Thursday
Island, which stands at the northern entrance of the passage
between the Great Barrier Reef and the shores of Queensland,
has been styled the Gibraltar of Australia, and large sums of
money have been spent by the Imperial and Australian
Governments in fortifying it. Since it became open to the
Eastern nations, the Japanese have discovered twenty different
channels through the reef, by any one of which they could
avoid the forts and gain an entrance to the sea within the
barrier. A few years ago there were 2000 Europeans on Thursday
Island, engaged in the pearl-shelling industry; but they were
gradually elbowed out until to-day they number less than 100.
"The late Professor C. H. Pearson, at one time Minister for
Education in Victoria, and one of the most intellectual
statesmen who ever resided in Australia, in his National
Life and Character, admirably summarised the dangers to
which his adopted country was exposed by reason of its
situation, and the motives which actuated the various colonial
Governments in passing enactments designed to place some
restriction on the wholesale flooding of their territories.
"‘The fear of Chinese immigration which the Australian
democracy cherishes, and which Englishmen at home find it hard
to understand, is, in fact, the instinct of self-preservation,
quickened by experience. We know that coloured and white
labour cannot exist side by side; we are well aware that China
can swamp us with a single year’s surplus of population; and
we know that if national existence is sacrificed to the
working of a few mines and sugar plantations, it is not the
Englishmen in Australia alone, but the whole civilised world
that will be the losers. Transform the northern half of our
continent into a Natal, with thirteen out of fourteen
belonging to an inferior race, and the southern half will
speedily approximate to the condition of Cape Colony, where
the whites are indeed a masterful minority, but still only as
one in four. We are guarding the last part of the world in
which the higher races can live and increase freely for the
higher civilisation. It is idle to say that if all this should
come to pass our pride of place will not be humiliated. We are
struggling among ourselves for supremacy in a world which we
thought as destined to belong to the Aryan race and to the
Christian faith, to the letters and arts and charm of social
manners which we have inherited from the best times of the
past. We shall wake to find ourselves elbowed and hustled,
perhaps even thrust aside by peoples whom we looked down upon
as servile and thought of as bound always to minister to our
needs.’ …
"The Greater Britain that is to be may be the best security
for the Mother Land in years to come, and her natural ally and
friend. Australian statesmen claim that they are not only
safe-guarding British interests, but also legislating for
posterity and looking forward to the time—perhaps a century
hence—when the population of the Commonwealth may be one
hundred millions or even more.
{529}
"At the present the Australian race is in a plastic condition,
and whether it will become, as Marcus Clarke predicted, ‘a
fierce and turbulent democracy, sweeping contemporary
civilisation before it,’ or, as seems more probable, a
practical and enlightened people, troubles it little. Leaders
and followers of every political cast, Conservatives,
Liberals, and Radicals, have now but one national ideal—Purity
of Race. They recognise that hybrids cannot make a great
nation; that an infusion of Chinese, Japanese, or Indo-Chinese
blood must result in race deterioration; and that, if they are
to live happily and prosperously, it must be with no strangers
within their gates other than those of Caucasian descent who
are able to conform to the conditions and customs of civilised
communities."
O. P. Law, W. T. Gill,
A White Australia
(Nineteenth Century, January, 1904).
"The great Australian Commonwealth has indeed gone very far in
many directions in its war against workers of other races than
the white. Thus, no contract can be made for the carrying of
Australian mails with any steamship line which allows a
colored man to work on any of its ships. This is a new
measure, and it has been of late the subject of a lively
controversy between the Australian government and the two
Chamberlains in London,—namely, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, the
colonial secretary, and his son, Mr. Austin Chamberlain, who
is now serving as British postmaster-general.
"The fact is that mail-carrying steamship companies which have
hitherto performed the service of carrying mails back and
forth between Great Britain and the Australian ports have been
largely manned by dark-skinned British subjects who are
natives of India, and the British Government is under a
special obligation not to discriminate against these Indians
in view of certain clauses in what is known as the Mutiny Act
in India. These same ships, it is to be remembered, will
carry, also, the Indian mails, and it would be manifestly
impossible for Lord Curzon’s government of India to join in
mail contracts containing clauses excluding dark-skinned men
from employment."
American Review of Reviews,
September, 1903.
See (in this Volume)
AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1909.
RACE PROBLEMS: In Canada:
Hostility to Asiatic Labor.
Restriction of Chinese Immigration.
Riotous attacks on Japanese, Chinese, and Hindu
Laborers in British Columbia.
The opposition of organized labor to Asiatic immigration, on
the Canadian Pacific Coast, directed first against an influx
of Chinese, brought about, in 1904, the imposition of a
head-tax of $500 on every person of Chinese origin entering
Canada thereafter, with the following exceptions:
"(a) The members of the diplomatic corps, or other government
representatives, their suites and their servants, and consuls
and consular agents;
"(b) The children born in Canada of parents of Chinese origin
and who have left Canada for educational or other purposes, on
substantiating their identity to the satisfaction of the
controller at the port or place where they seek to enter on
their return;
"(c) Merchants, their wives and children, the wives and
children of clergymen, tourists, men of science and students,
who shall substantiate their status to the satisfaction of the
controller, subject to the approval of the Minister, or who
are bearers of certificates of identity, or other similar
documents issued by the government or by a recognized official
or representative of the government whose subjects they are,
specifying their occupation and their object in coming into
Canada."
This was an effective restriction; but left the door open to
other "coolie" laborers, so-called, from Japan and India,
whence large numbers were soon coming into British Columbia,
and the labor agitation was directed against them, on the
Canadian as well as the United States side of the line in the
farther Northwest. It came to its climax of violence in the
fall of 1907, when serious riots broke out at Vancouver,
British Columbia, and at Bellingham, in the State of
Washington. Many hundreds of Japanese, Chinese, and Hindus had
been employed in the lumber mills and canneries of the
Washington and British Columbia coast towns, displacing white
labor. "In each case a mob of white men raided the mills where
the foreigners were employed, battered down the doors of their
lodging houses, dragged the Hindus from their beds, and drove
them with violence from the town. The Hindus of Bellingham
fled northward to the protection of the British flag. At
Vancouver the rioters also attacked Chinese and Japanese
merchants and laborers, breaking into their shops and
pillaging and destroying $20,000 worth of property. Two
thousand Chinese and Japanese were driven from their homes.
Later, a number of Japanese immigrants, just landed from a
steamer, were attacked and in the riot that followed Baron
Ishii, chief of the Japanese Bureau of Foreign Commerce, was
severely injured. The Orientals, under the leadership of the
Japanese, immediately organized for defense, and, having
secured firearms and other weapons, the situation took on a
very serious aspect."
The situation was made especially embarrassing to the British
and Canadian Governments by the relations of alliance existing
between Great Britain and Japan, and by the fact that the
Hindus attacked are British subjects, having their established
rights as such. But skilful and careful handling of the matter
was successful in quieting the trouble, possibly in a lasting
way. The Japanese Government, on its own part, has undertaken
to restrict the emigration of its laboring classes to Canada
as well as to the United States.
Important changes in the regulations governing the immigration
of Chinese were announced in a despatch from Ottawa, July 11,
1909:
"While the poll-tax of £100 on coolies is retained, the
restrictions applicable to students and the sons of Chinese
merchants are considerably modified. Students who already
possess a liberal education, but desire to pursue a higher
course of study in any Canadian University or college, are
exempt from the tax. Students who intend to pursue their
studies in the Dominion but are unable to produce proof of
their status on entry are required to deposit the amount of
the tax, but the money will be refunded on production of a
certificate that they have passed two scholastic years at some
seat of learning. The present law permits all Chinese visiting
China to return to Canada within a year without a second
payment. This has been a hardship to Chinese who have been
ill. The new regulation, therefore, extends the time of
exemption in such cases to 18 months, provided that
satisfactory proof be furnished."
{530}
RACE PROBLEMS: In Jamaica: Between White and Black:
The Problem Non-existent.
Solved by Good Sense, Right Feeling, and Just Law.
In the International Journal of Ethics for May, 1906,
Professor Royce reports of several visits to Jamaica,—where
14,000 or 15,000 white inhabitants are living with about
650,000 black and mulatto people,—that he had found no race
problem existing—no racial antagonism—no public discussion of
race equality or superiority. He accounts for this untroubled
relation between colored and uncolored fellow citizens and
neighbors as follows:
"When once the sad period of emancipation and of subsequent
occasional disorder was passed, the Englishman did in Jamaica
what he has so often and so well done elsewhere. He organized
his colony; he established good local courts, which gained by
square treatment the confidence of the blacks. The judges of
such courts were Englishmen. The English ruler also provided a
good country constabulary, in which native blacks also found
service, and in which they could exercise authority over other
blacks. Black men, in other words, were trained,—under English
management, of course,—to police black men. A sound civil
service was also organized; and in that educated negroes found
in due time their place, while the chiefs of each branch of
the service were and are, in the main, Englishmen. The excise
and the health services, both of which are very highly
developed, have brought the law near to the life of the
humblest negro, in ways which he sometimes finds, of course,
restraining, but which he also frequently finds beneficent.
Hence, he is accustomed to the law; he sees its ministers
often, and often, too, as men of his own race; and in the main
he is fond of order, and respectful toward the established
ways of society. The Jamaica negro is described by those who
know him as especially fond of bringing his petty quarrels and
personal grievances into court. He is litigious just as he is
vivacious. But this confidence in the law is just what the
courts have encouraged. That is one way, in fact, to deal with
the too forward and strident negro. Encourage him to air his
grievances in court, listen to him patiently, and fine him
when he deserves fines. That is a truly English type of social
pedagogy. It works in the direction of making the negro a
conscious helper toward good social order.
"Administration, I say, has done the larger half of the work
of solving Jamaica’s race problem. Administration has filled
the Island with good roads, has reduced to a minimum the
tropical diseases by means of an excellent health service, has
taught the population loyalty and order, has led them some
steps already on the long road ‘up from slavery,’ has given
them, in many cases, the true self-respect of those who
themselves officially cooperate in the work of the law, and it
has done this without any such result as our Southern friends
nowadays conceive when they think of what is called ‘negro
domination.’ Administration has allayed ancient irritations.
It has gone far to offset the serious economic and tropical
troubles from which Jamaica meanwhile suffers.
"Yes, the work has been done by administration,—and by
reticence. For the Englishman, in his official and
governmental dealings with backward peoples, has a great way
of being superior without very often publicly saying that he
is superior. You well know that in dealing, as an individual,
with other individuals trouble is seldom made by the fact that
you are actually the superior of another man in any respect.
The trouble comes when you tell the other man too stridently
that you are his superior. Be my superior, quietly, simply
showing your superiority in your deeds, and very likely I
shall love you for the very fact of your superiority. For we
all love our leaders. But tell me that I am your inferior, and
then perhaps I may grow boyish, and may throw stones. Well, it
is so with races. Grant, then, that yours is the superior
race. Then you can afford to say little about that subject in
your public dealings with the backward race. Superiority is
best shown by good deeds and by few boasts."
RACE PROBLEMS: In South Africa:
Between White and Black.
"The native population of Africa south of the Zambesi is ten
millions. The white population is under one million. To-day
the majority of the natives are in a semi-savage condition.
But the day may come when they shall have emerged from that
condition, and have attained the degree of civilisation which
prevails amongst the negroes, their kindred, in the United
States. The process of evolution has begun. When it is
completed, the relative position of the black and white
populations in South Africa will be—what? Look to the United
States and you shall find some hint of the answer.
"The native population of Cape Colony, including the
territories, is, in round numbers, 1,200,000, and the white
population 377,000. Day by day the power of the native grows.
The gate of the political arena stands wide open to him, and
he is not slow to enter. With the exception of natives
occupying lands under tribal tenure (an important exception,
but one that is constantly diminishing), every male person,
irrespective of colour, race, and creed, and above the age of
twenty-one years, and born or naturalised a British subject,
is entitled to the full franchise after one year’s residence
in the Colony, provided he occupies property of the value of
£75 or is in receipt of wages of not less than £50 annually,
and is able to sign his name and state in writing his address
and occupation. Such a franchise would horrify the average
American in the South, and unquestionably it will have to be
radically amended unless the colonists are prepared to endure
political annihilation. At present neither Bondsman nor
Progressive will face the situation. Neither wishes to
alienate the substantial aid which his party gets from the
natives. …
"Bitter as the feud between Englishman and Dutchman is to-day,
it will pass when both realise, as they are bound sooner or
later to realise, that only by presenting a solid front to the
oncoming hordes of superficially civilised blacks can they
escape complete annihilation. For generations, if not for all
time, the natives in South Africa must enormously outnumber
the whites. In the olden days, tribal wars and wars with the
white man, to say nothing of famines, and pestilence, served
to counterbalance the prolificness of the native. These checks
are no more."
Roderick Jones,
The Black Peril in South Africa
(Nineteenth Century, May, 1904).
On the suffrage question for natives, connected with the Union
of South African States.
See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
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RACE PROBLEMS: A. D. 1903-1908.
Between Boers and British Indians.
The British Government has many troublesome problems to deal
with, as the consequence of its having drawn the reins of its
sovereignty over the necks of a motley multitude of races; but
none among them, perhaps, has been more delicately difficult
than one which arose between its native subjects in India, who
pressed with eagerness into South African fields of trade, and
its Boer subjects in South Africa, who have been stubbornly
opposed to their doing so. Great Britain has had the most
pressing reasons for avoiding offence to either of these
peoples, and no controversy could have arisen more
unfortunately in its circumstances and time.
Before the Boer-British War, there had been Indian complaints
of ill-treatment in the Transvaal, which added something to
the controversies of Great Britain with the South African
Republic. After the war, when British authority had become
supreme at Pretoria, it found a legacy of existing law which
was embarrassing at once. The situation was described in a
despatch of May 11, 1903, from Viscount Milner, the British
High Commissioner, to the Colonial Secretary at London, Mr.
Chamberlain, in which he attempted to exhibit, as he said,
"the difficulty which besets any kind of action on this thorny
question." The Government, he wrote, is "between two fires. On
the one hand, it is accused of not enforcing the present law
with sufficient strictness and is called upon to legislate in
the direction of a complete exclusion of Asiatics, except as
indentured labourers. Even in that capacity, their
introduction meets with strenuous opposition. On the other
hand, the Asiatics, of whom British Indians form by far the
most numerous section, not only protest against any fresh
legislation but demand the repeal of the existing law.
"The position which the Government of the Transvaal have taken
up in the matter is one of which I entirely approve. They are
unwilling, without the previous approval of His Majesty’s
Government, to embark on any legislation on this subject, to
the difficulties of which they are fully alive, and have
accordingly decided that, pending fresh legislation, they have
no option but to carry out the existing law. They are anxious,
however, to do so in the manner most considerate to the
Indians already settled in the country, and with the greatest
respect for vested interests, even where these have been
allowed to spring up contrary to law. This is in accordance
with the principle on which they have proceeded throughout,
namely, that the laws of the late Republic, imperfect as they
are in many respects, and contrary, very often, to British
ideas, must, nevertheless, be enforced until they can be
replaced by more satisfactory legislation."
The desired new legislation on this "thorny question" does not
seem to have been attempted during the period in which local
self-government in the Transvaal was entirely suspended; but
in 1906, after the first step toward its restoration had been
taken, the semi-autonomous authority then organized there
adopted an ordinance on the subject of Asiatic residence in
the Colony which Lord Elgin, who had succeeded Mr. Chamberlain
in the Colonial Office, disapproved. In the next year,
however, when the full measure of colonial autonomy had been
conferred by the Imperial Government (see, in this Volume,
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907), essentially the same
provisions were embodied in an enactment by the new Transvaal
Legislature, entitled "The Asiatic Law Amendment Act, 1907,"
and Lord Elgin could not venture to disapprove them again, for
the reasons which he stated thus to the Colonial Governor:
"The Act which is now submitted has behind it a very different
weight of authority. It has been introduced by the first
responsible Ministry of the Colony, and has been passed
unanimously by both Houses of the new Legislature. I consider
it my duty to place it on record that His Majesty’s Government
do not consider the position of Asiatics lawfully resident in
the Transvaal, as settled by this Act, to be satisfactory;
that they adhere to the opinions which have been expressed by
successive Secretaries of State as to the desirability of
relaxing the restrictions to which Asiatics are at present
subject; and that they commend this view to the Transvaal
Government in the hope that it may be carefully considered how
far practical effect can be given to it. But they feel that
they would not be justified in offering resistance to the
general will of the Colony clearly expressed by its first
elected representatives; and I have accordingly to inform you
that His Majesty will not be advised to exercise his power of
disallowance with respect to the Act." This measure was
followed presently by an "Immigrants’ Restriction Act, 1907,"
which accentuated still further the inhospitality of Transvaal
legislation, and made more serious trouble for the British
Government, not only with its Indian subjects, but with the
Chinese. On the effect of the two acts upon British Indians
Lord Elgin wrote to Mr. Morley, Secretary of State for India
(October 10, 1907):
"The practical effect of Section 2 (4) will be to prevent the
further immigration into the Transvaal of British Indians or
other Asiatics. As Mr. Morley is aware, throughout the
correspondence which has passed on this subject, His Majesty’s
Government have practically limited themselves to endeavouring
to secure more favourable treatment for those Asiatics who
have already acquired a right to reside in the Colony, and the
competence of the Colonial Legislature and Government to
restrict further immigration by means of legislation similar
to that already adopted in other self-governing Colonies has
not been disputed. … Moreover, in the interests of British
Indians themselves, it is probably desirable, in view of the
state of Colonial feeling, that further immigration should be
restricted. Lord Elgin does not, therefore, propose to raise
any objection to this provision.
"Section 6 (c) must be considered in connection with the
recent Asiatic Law Amendment Act. Under that Act, Asiatics
failing to register may be ordered to leave the Colony; and
failure to comply with such an order is punishable by
imprisonment. The object of this section, as explained by the
Attorney-General in his report is to enable the Government to
deport, in lieu of imprisoning, Asiatics who fail to register
under the Asiatic Law Amendment Act.
{532}
While Lord Elgin feels that the free exercise of so drastic a
power would be greatly to be deprecated, he doubts whether His
Majesty’s Government can consistently object to a provision
the object of which is to enable the Colonial Government to
enforce the observance of the Asiatic Law Amendment Act, which
His Majesty’s Government have allowed to become law, and to
which the British Indian community appears at present to be
disposed to offer an organised resistance. He therefore
proposes, subject to any representation which Mr. Morley may
wish to make, to accept this provision also."
The India Office could only say in reply:
"Since the Asiatic Law Amendment Act, 1907, has received His
Majesty’s sanction, Mr. Morley recognizes that it would be
inconsistent to object to a clause framed merely in order to
ensure the efficient administration of that Act so far as it
affects persons already in the Transvaal. … It is true that
under the Asiatic Law Amendment Act of 1907, the Colonial
Government may grant temporary permits. Mr. Morley presumes
that this power will, if the occasion arise, be used to
prevent such a gross scandal as the exclusion from the Colony
of ruling chiefs, Indians of distinguished position, and high
officials of Asiatic descent on the ground that they are
‘undesirable immigrants.’ But he thinks that it would be
satisfactory to obtain a definite assurance that in framing
the present Bill the Colonial Government had no intention of

refusing access to Asiatics of this type, and he trusts that
such an assurance will be obtained and placed on record before
the Royal Assent is given to the measure.
"It is unnecessary to point out to Lord Elgin the unfortunate
effect upon public opinion in India which must be produced by
the present Bill. The very peculiar circumstances of the
Transvaal have been held to justify, during the period of
administrative reconstruction, exceptional measures for
dealing with the influx of immigrants; but Mr. Morley did not
understand, when the provisions of the Asiatic Law Amendment
Act were under discussion, that the forthcoming Immigration
Restriction Bill would be so framed as to perpetuate the
exclusion from the Colony of all future Asiatic immigrants
without distinction.
"For these reasons I am to say that Mr. Morley trusts that
Lord Elgin will find it possible to impress upon the
Government of the Transvaal the very strong objections, from
an Imperial point of view, which stand in the way of the
acceptance of Section 2 (4) of the Bill."
The most obnoxious features of the two offensive acts were an
educational qualification, which required applications for
admission to the colony and for trading licenses in it, and
other connected documents, to be written by the applicants in
a European language, Yiddish being recognized as European, and
a prescribed registration which required finger-prints as a
means of identification. Both of these provisions of law were
felt to be insulting and degrading by the Hindus of the better
class, who organized a refusal of submission to them, and
tested them without avail in the courts. Their language was
treated contemptuously in the educational qualification,
while, personally, they were classed with criminals by the
fingerprint identification. The agitators of disaffection in
India made much of these indignities, and the matter was
extremely embarrassing to the British administration there.
For months there seemed no prospect of a solution of the
difficulty; but patient persuasion and tactful pressure
brought, at last, what appeared to be a successful compromise,
announced to the rejoicing Colonial Office at London by the
following telegram from the Governor, January 30, 1908:
"Gandhi and other leaders of Indian and Chinese communities
have offered voluntary registration in a body within three
months, provided signatures only are taken of educated,
propertied, or well-known Asiatics, and finger-prints of the
rest, and that no question against which Asiatics have
religious objection be pressed. Government have accepted this
offer and undertaken pending registration not to enforce the
penalties under Act against all those who register. Sentences
of all Asiatics in prison will be remitted to-morrow. This
course agreed to by both political parties."
Fresh discontents arose subsequently, when amendatory
legislation was brought out, which did not open the colony to
any fresh immigration of Asiatics, even if they could pass an
educational test in a European language; but this has not
appeared to have any of the seriousness of the former
agitation, so far as India is concerned.
Of the intensity of feeling in India, a newspaper
correspondent, writing from Bombay, December 29, 1909, said:
"There is no mistaking the depth of feeling regarding the
protest against the treatment of Indians in the Transvaal.
Every Indian, no matter what may be his politics, feels that
his self-respect is insulted, and demands retaliation by
refusing indentured labour to Natal. Extraordinary scenes
followed Mr. Surendranath Banerjee’s appeal for funds for the
Transvaal sufferers; jewels and money were thrown at his feet
and rupees were poured into his hat. A thousand pounds was
collected. The question is creating profound feeling among all
classes."
RACE PROBLEMS:
The Labor Question as a Race Question.
At a meeting of the Native Labor Association at Johannesburg,
in April, 1909, the President of the Association stated that
the present labor supply was entirely adequate, and that the
mines were not likely to be faced with serious difficulty in
this respect in the immediate future. In the course of 1908
the number of Chinese laborers had decreased in the natural
course by repatriation by 23,303. On the other hand, the
native complement had increased in the same period by 47,766,
giving a net gain of 24,373, which had been further increased
during the first three mouths of the present year. In
explanation of the sudden expansion of the native labor
supply, Mr. Perry pointed, first, to the collapse of the
diamond market; secondly, to the emigration of Kaffirs from
the Cape owing to failure of employment there. The De Beers
Mines, as he was able to show, were actually employing 50,000
fewer hands than before, which, allowing for the difference in
the periods of contract, probably meant a gain to the Rand of
at least 25,000. Similarly, the native statistics published by
the Cape Government indicated an enormous diversion of
labourers to the Rand.
In January, 1909, the London Times, reporting the
output of gold from the Transvaal in 1908 as having been
£29,957,610,—an increase of £2,553,872 over 1907, gave the
following statement of labor conditions at that time:
{533}
"The increase has been gradual and quite regular, and may be
expected to continue. The expansion in the gold production has
resulted in the employment of nearly 1,800 more whites than
were at work in January, but coloured labourers are some 4,000
less. The increase in the number of natives employed in gold
mines has been 24,000, while the complement of Chinese coolies
has been depleted by 20,000. At the beginning of the year some
17,500 whites, 133,500 coloured, and 33,800 Chinese were
employed by gold mines; for October the figures read:—Whites
18,300, coloured 157,500, and Chinese 14,300. Native labour is
perhaps the one serious problem which will place limitations
on further expansion. Few of the Chinese will be left by the
end of next year, and they will all have left before the
expiry of 1910. Natives, however, are showing more tendency to
work regularly, and the habit doubtless will grow. It is due
to the Chinese to recognize that they have been useful
workmen, for the improved efficiency of the coloured workman
all round is largely due to the example which they set the
native."
In March, 1909, Colonel Seely, Under Secretary for the
Colonies, in reply to questions in the British House of
Commons, gave the following figures: January, 1907, Chinese
employed, 53,856; whites employed on gold mines, 17,874;
December, 1908, Chinese employed, 12,275; whites employed on
gold mines, 19,605. For 'Witwatersrand, taking natives and
Chinese together the numbers were:—January, 1907, 148,077;
December, 1908, 166,405. The corresponding figures for whites
are:—January, 1907, 17,198; December, 1908, 18,687.
A Johannesburg letter of July 26 to the London Times reported a change in the situation, saying:
"For the half-year upon which we have just entered it requires
no prophet to foretell a more rapid rate of progress, which,
however, may to some extent be limited by a scarcity of native
labour, signs of which have begun to loom on the horizon.
After 18 months or more of steady increase in the number of
native labourers available for work in mines, an increase
which more than counterbalanced the outflow of Chinese labour
through repatriation, the pendulum has begun to swing the
other way, and already the pinch is beginning to make itself
felt in certain mines. During the last two months the excess
of time-expired natives and wastage over the number recruited
has been more than 8000, and repatriated Chinese brings the
total up to 10,000. Considering that the total coloured labour
force employed on the Witwatersrand was over 180,000 in April,
this comparatively small decline under normal conditions
should hardly make itself felt at all. But the conditions are
not normal. An era of expansion set in some 18 months ago
which has been steadily growing, and which has called for an
ever-increasing labour force and in the near future must
require still more and more. How that demand is to be met is
by no means clear."
RACE PROBLEMS: In the United States:
Between its White and Black Citizens:
Booker T. Washington’s solution in progress at Tuskegee.
See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.
RACE PROBLEMS:
The "Niagara Movement."
A National Committee for the Advancement of the Negro Race.
In July, 1905, a conference of colored men from North and
South, among whom Professor W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, of
Atlanta, appeared to be the leading spirit, was held at
Buffalo, New York. Its outcome was an organization which has
taken the name of "The Niagara Movement," and which has had
some growth. At the latest annual meeting of the organization,
in Sea Isle City, New Jersey, in August, 1909, ten States were
reported to be represented, and the total membership of the
"Movement" was said to be three hundred, distributed in forty
States. Its objects are indicated in the following passages
from an Address which this meeting adopted:
"For four years the Niagara Movement has struggled to make ten
million Americans of negro descent cease from mere apology and
weak surrender to aggression, and take a firm, unfaltering
stand for justice, manhood, and self-assertion. We are
accumulating property at a constantly accelerating rate; we
are rapidly lowering our rate of illiteracy; but property and
intelligence are of little use unless guided by the great
ideals of freedom, justice, and human brotherhood.
"As a partial result of our effort we are glad to note among
us increasing spiritual unrest, sterner impatience with
cowardice, and deeper determination to be men at any cost. …
"That black men are inherently inferior to whites is a
wide-spread lie which science flatly contradicts, and the
attempt to submerge the colored races is one with world-old
efforts of the wily to exploit the weak. We must, therefore,
make common cause with the oppressed and down-trodden of all
races and peoples; with our kindred of South Africa and the
West Indies, with our fellows in Mexico, India, and Russia,
and with the cause of the working classes everywhere.
"On us rests to no little degree the burden of the cause of
individual freedom, human brotherhood, and universal peace in
a day when America is forgetting her promise and destiny. Let
us work on and never despair because pigmy voices are loudly
praising ill-gotten wealth, big guns, and human degradation.
They but represent back eddies in the tide of time."
Programme of future work adopted included the publication of a
series of small tracts and an almanac, the founding of a
monthly publication, and the purchase of a permanent place of
meeting where an annual Chautauqua will be held.
A Conference of people of both races who are desirous of
organizing more effective endeavors to better the status of
the negro citizens of the United States was held in New York
in May, 1909. It adopted a resolution providing for the
"incorporation of a national committee to be known as a
committee for the advancement of the negro race, to bring that
race from slavery to full citizenship with all the rights and
privileges appertaining thereto," and another resolution for a
Committee of Forty charged with the organization of the
national committee, with power to call the convention in 1910.
{534}
Among other resolutions discussed and adopted were the
following:
"As first and immediate steps toward remedying … national
wrongs, so full of perils for the whites as well as the blacks
of all sections, we demand of Congress and the Executive:
"(1.) That the Constitution be strictly enforced and the civil
rights guaranteed under the Fourteenth Amendment be secured
impartially to all.
"(2.) That there be equal educational opportunities for all
and in all the States, and that public school expenditure be
the same for the negro and white child.
"(3.) That in accordance with the Fifteenth Amendment the
right of the negro to the ballot on the same terms as other
citizens be recognized in every part of the country."
RACE PROBLEMS:
Anti-Negro Riot at Atlanta.
"On the 22d and 23d of September [1906] anti-negro riots broke
out in Atlanta, resulting in the death of twelve or more
negroes and the injury of a great many. There had been an
unusual number of reports of attacks upon white women and
girls by brutal and criminal negroes in the vicinity of
Atlanta during the previous days and weeks. Every report of
this kind had been flaunted with great headlines in a
sensational afternoon newspaper of Atlanta, as if to arouse
the less orderly and thoughtful element of the white
population not merely to the lynching of offenders but to an
attack upon innocent and law-abiding colored people. For a
time the riot was furious and negroes were indiscriminately
assailed. It would seem that most of those who were killed
were absolutely innocent of any offense whatsoever. Their
crime consisted merely in belonging to the negro race. It
would be the height of silliness for criticism to take on a
geographical character. White people in the North are no more
considerate of people against whom they may have a grievance
or a prejudice than are white people in the South. The problem
of adjusting the relations of two races so totally different
as the white race and the negro race where they have to live
together in the same communities is difficult under any
circumstances, and it becomes increasingly so where the
inferior race is present in large numbers and where many of
its members are ill-disciplined, idle, and of criminal
instincts."
American Review of Reviews,
November, 1906.
"Wherever a colored man was seen he was attacked. The mobs
closed in upon the trolley-cars and dragged the colored
passengers, unprepared for the onslaught, from their seats. A
riotous crowd broke into a shop where there were two negro
barbers, beat them to death and mangled their bodies. One
negro was killed in the shadow of a monument; another was
stabbed to death on the post-office steps. The Governor
mobilized the militia, but the mobs, taking it for granted
that the militiamen were in sympathy with them, showed little
fear of the soldiers. The Mayor of the city remonstrated with
the rioters, but with little result. He called out the fire
department, which cleared the streets by turning the hose on
the mobs. But this only resulted in diverting the riot from
one place in the city to another. Only a rain on Sunday
dampened the ardor of the rioters. Order was outwardly
restored by Sunday evening, but even thereafter negroes were
killed. Even though the riot differed from the Russian variety
in that it was not instigated and abetted by the Government
and the military, it brings nothing but shame to this Nation."
The Outlook,
September 29, 1906.
RACE PROBLEMS:
The Georgia Railroad Strike.
One of the meanest of recent exhibitions of race animosity was
presented in May and June, 1909, on the occasion of a strike
of white men employed as firemen on the Georgia Railroad
against the employment of blacks in the same capacity.
Generally, the southern railroads have employed, for years,
both white and black firemen. On the Georgia Railroad there
were about sixty of the former and forty of the latter. The
white firemen were eligible to promotion to be engineers; the
blacks were not. By an unwritten law they were excluded from
the higher and better paid service; but as firemen the best
among them had gradually won promotion to the better trains
and better "runs" on the road. It was this fact which caused
the strike of their white associates. As a labor strike it
would have caused little trouble; as a race and color question
it inflamed the State and the South, and disturbed the country
at large for several weeks. The conflict of the railroad
company was not with its own employees but with mobs along its
line, always ready to be maddened by the thought of a negro in
any place which a white man wanted.
A mediation in the matter undertaken, at the instance of
President Taft, by the United States Commissioner of Labor,
Dr. Charles P. Neill, and the Chairman of the Interstate
Commerce Commission, Mr. Martin A. Knapp, succeeded, with much
difficulty, in arranging a reference of the dispute to
arbitration. The chosen arbitrators were Hilary A. Herbert,
named by the railroad company, T. W. Hardwick, named by the
employees, and Chancellor David C. Barrow, of the University
of Georgia, selected by these two. This board of arbitration
gave hearings to both parties and rendered its award on the
27th of June. The main proposition submitted to it by the
employees was in these words: "That the Georgia Railroad
Company and its terminals at Atlanta will not use negroes as
locomotive firemen on the road or in the yards, nor as
hostlers nor assistant hostlers."
On this its decision was as follows: "The Georgia Railroad,
when using negroes as locomotive firemen on the road or in the
yards, or as hostlers, or as hostlers’ helpers, shall pay them
the same wages as white men in similar positions." But the
representative of the employees dissented from this decision
in part, explaining his view, as follows: "In so far as the
above finding permits the continued employment of negro
firemen by the Georgia Railroad, I dissent therefrom, because
I believe from the evidence that such employment is a menace
to the safety of the travelling public. In so far as such
finding requires that when negroes are so employed they shall
receive wages equal to those paid white men, I concur therein,
believing that such requirement, by removing the principal
incentive for their employment, will result in the speedy
elimination of this cheaper labor, and a consequent
improvement of the service."
On most of the minor points in controversy the arbitrators
were agreed in their conclusions, and the settlement of the
whole matter was complete.
{535}
RACE PROBLEMS:
Oriental Labor in Competition with Western Labor.
The Force of the Economic Objection to it in
a Country under the Protective System.
"Behind the economic antipathy to Oriental laborers there is
a justifiable feeling. Where there is established a system of
protection, it is only just that it benefit not only the
capitalist but also the laborer. If the American laborer must
contend as best he can with the laborer whose standard of life
is lower, then the American manufacturer, in fairness, ought
to be let alone in his contest with the foreign manufacturer
who does not pay so much for his labor. The Outlook believes that a condition of such open competition as has
prevailed between the States of the Union would be wholesome
between the nations of the world. But at present the
protective system prevails and apparently is firmly
established in America. So long, therefore, as American
capital is protected, it is a benefit for the whole country to
have American labor protected. And certainly if there is any
body of laborers against which the working people of America
need protection, it is the coolie labor of Asia. The fact that
the Japanese and Chinese laborers enter industries in which
there is a scarcity of whites does not affect the case, for it
is not the direct loss of jobs, but the lowering—or at least
the changing—of the standards of living that brings injury to
the mass."
The Outlook,
September 21, 1907.
RACE PROBLEMS:
Existing Treaties between the United States and China
concerning the Admission of Chinamen.
Enactments of Law on the Subject.
Correspondence of Wu Ting-fang with Secretary Hay.
For a proper understanding of the questions of national honor
and official civility that are involved in the existing laws
and regulations of the United States which govern the
admission of Chinamen to the country, either as visitors or
immigrants, some attention must be given to a series of
engagements by solemn treaty between the Governments of China
and the United States, respecting the hospitality which each
has pledged itself to give to the citizens of the other. Three
of those treaties remain partly or wholly in force. The
abrogation of the fourth one has a significance of its own.
The earliest of these treaties, negotiated in 1858,
superseding one of 1844, provided very carefully for the good
treatment of American citizens in China, but contains nothing
on the subject of Chinamen in America, probably for the reason
that few of that people had yet travelled so far abroad. The
rights it stipulated for the American who visited or sought
residence in the Celestial Empire were as follows:
"Article XI.
All citizens of the United States of America in China,
peaceably attending to their affairs, being placed on a common
footing of amity and good will with the subjects of China,
shall receive and enjoy for themselves and everything
appertaining to them the protection of the local authorities
of government, who shall defend them from all insult or injury
of any sort. If their dwellings or property be threatened or
attacked by mobs, incendiaries, or other violent or lawless
persons, the local officers, on requisition of the consul,
shall immediately despatch a military force to disperse the
rioters, apprehend the guilty individuals and punish them with
the utmost rigor of the law. Subjects of China guilty of any
criminal act towards citizens of the United States shall be
punished by the Chinese authorities according to the laws of
China. And citizens of the United States, either on shore or
in any merchant vessel, who may insult, trouble or wound the
persons or injure the property of Chinese or commit any other
improper act in China, shall be punished only by the Consul or
other public functionary thereto authorized according to the
laws of the United States. Arrests in order to trial may be
made by either the Chinese or the United States authorities."
Treaty of Peace, Amity, and Commerce, 1858
(Compilation of Treaties in Force, 58th Congress,
2d Session, Senate Document Number 318, page 138).
Ten years later, in 1868, another treaty was negotiated, not
to supersede that of 1858, but to supplement it; and in this
agreement the reciprocation of hospitalities is pledged in the
following distinct and cordial terms:
"Article V.
The United States of America and the Emperor of China
cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man
to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual
advantage of the free migration and emigration of their
citizens and subjects, respectively, from the one country to
the other, for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as
permanent residents. The high contracting parties, therefore,
join in reprobating any other than an entirely voluntary
emigration for these purposes. They consequently agree to pass
laws making it a penal offence for a citizen of the United
States or Chinese subjects to take Chinese subjects either to
the United States or to any other foreign country, or for a
Chinese subject or citizen of the United States to take
citizens of the United States to China or to any other foreign
country, without their free and voluntary consent,
respectively.
"Article VI.
Citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China
shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities or exemptions in
respect to travel or residence as may there be enjoyed by the
citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. And,
reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the
United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and
exemptions in respect to travel or residence, as may there be
enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored
nation. But nothing herein contained shall be held to confer
naturalization upon citizens of the United States in China,
nor upon the subjects of China in the United States.
"Article VII.
Citizens of the United States shall enjoy all the privileges
of the public educational institutions under the control of
the Government of China, and, reciprocally, Chinese subjects
shall enjoy all the privileges of the public educational
institutions under the control of the Government of the United
States, which are enjoyed in the respective countries by the
citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. The citizens
of the United States may freely establish and maintain schools
within the Empire of China at those places where foreigners
are by treaty permitted to reside, and reciprocally, Chinese
subjects may enjoy the same privileges and immunities in the
United States."
Treaty of Trade, Consuls, and Emigration, 1868
(58th Congress, 2d Session,
Senate Document Number 318, pages 157-158).
{536}
That this treaty, as well as that of 1858, is still obligatory
in its hospitable spirit and intent, is a fact certified by
the language of the preamble of the treaty negotiated next, by
President Angell, of Michigan University, and other
Commissioners, in 1880. The recital in that preamble of the
purpose of the new agreement was this:
"Whereas, in the eighth year of Hsien Feng, Anno Domini 1858,
a treaty of peace and friendship was concluded between the
United States of America and China, and to which were added,
in the seventh year of Tung Chih, Anno Domini 1868, certain
supplementary articles to the advantage of both parties,
which supplementary articles were to be perpetually
observed and obeyed: and Whereas the Government of the
United States, because of the constantly increasing
immigration of Chinese laborers to the territory of the United
States, and the embarrassments consequent upon such
immigration, now desires to negotiate a modification of the
existing Treaties which shall not be in direct contravention
of their spirit: Now, therefore," &c. The following are
the four articles of the treaty thus explained:
"Article I.
Whenever in the opinion of the Government of the United States
the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States, or their
residence therein, affects or threatens to affect the
interests of that country, or to endanger the good order of
the said country or of any locality within the territory
thereof, the Government of China agrees that the Government of
the United States may regulate, limit, or suspend such coming
or residence, but may not absolutely prohibit it. The
limitation or suspension shall be reasonable, and shall apply
only to Chinese who may go to the United States as
laborers, other classes not being included in the
limitations. Legislation taken in regard to Chinese laborers
will be of such a character only as is necessary to enforce
the regulation, limitation, or suspension of immigration, and
immigrants shall not be subject to personal maltreatment or
abuse.
"Article II.
Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to the United States as
teachers, students, merchants or from curiosity, together with
their body and household servants, and Chinese laborers who
are now in the United States shall be allowed to go and
come of their own free will and accord, and shall be accorded
all the rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions which
are accorded to the citizens and subjects of the most favored
nation.
"Article III.
If Chinese laborers, or Chinese of any other class, now either
permanently or temporarily residing in the territory of the
United States, meet with ill treatment at the hands of any
other persons, the Government of the United States will exert
all its power to devise measures for their protection and to
secure to them the same rights, privileges, immunities, and
exemptions as may be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of
the most favored nation, and to which they are entitled by
treaty.
"Article IV.
The high contracting powers having agreed upon the foregoing
articles, whenever the Government of the United States shall
adopt legislative measures in accordance therewith, such
measures will be communicated to the Government of China. If
the measures as enacted are found to work hardship upon the
subjects of China, the Chinese minister at Washington may
bring the matter to the notice of the Secretary of State of
the United States, who will consider the subject with him; and
the Chinese Foreign Office may also bring the matter to the
notice of the United States minister at Peking and consider
the subject with him, to the end that mutual and unqualified
benefit may result.
This is the latest of the still obligatory engagements by
treaty that bear on the admission of visitors or immigrants
from China to the United States. A fourth treaty, pressed on
the Chinese Government in 1894, permitted the United States,
during a period of ten years, to prohibit entirely the coming
of Chinese laborers within its territory; but the concluding
article of that treaty was as follows:
"This Convention shall remain in force for a period of ten
years beginning with the date of the exchange of
ratifications, and, if six months before the expiration of
said period of ten years, neither Government shall have
formally given notice of its final termination to the other,
it shall remain in full force for another like period of ten
years." The Chinese Government did give the formal notice of
termination within the stipulated time, and the treaty became
void on the 7th of December, 1904.
Hence the Government of the United States is now under the
engagements which it made with the Government of China in
1880, which included an engagement to be faithful to the
hospitable spirit of the compact of 1868. When one has looked
over those engagements of national honor, it seems hard to
harmonize them in spirit, or even in letter, with some of the
enactments which are regulating, at the present day, the
treatment of people from China who venture to approach the
entry ports of the United States. Such, for example, as the
following, from "the Act of May 6, 1882, as amended and added
to by the Act of July 5, 1884," which, according to a recent
official publication of "Laws and Regulations governing the
Admission of Chinese," was "continued in force for an
additional period of ten years from May 5, 1892, by the act of
May 5, 1892, and was, with all laws on this subject in force
on April 29, 1902, reënacted, extended, and continued without
modification, limitation, or condition by the act of April 29,
1902, as amended by the act of April 27, 1904":
"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from
and after the passage of this act, and until the expiration of
ten years next after the passage of this act, the coming of
Chinese laborers to the United States be, and the same is
hereby suspended, and during such suspension it shall not be
lawful for any Chinese laborer to come from any foreign port
or place, or having so come to remain within the United
States."
"Section 2.
That the master of any vessel who shall knowingly bring within
the United States on such vessel, and land, or attempt to
land, or permit to be landed any Chinese laborer, from any
foreign port or place, shall be deemed guilty of a
misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished by
a fine of not more than five hundred dollars for each and
every such Chinese laborer so brought, and may also be
imprisoned for a term not exceeding one year." …
{537}
"Section 6.
That in order to the faithful execution of the provisions of
this act, every Chinese person, other than a laborer, who may
be entitled by said treaty or this act to come within the
United States, and who shall be about to come to the United
States, shall obtain the permission of and be identified as so
entitled by the Chinese Government, or of such other foreign
government of which at the time such Chinese person shall be a
subject, in each case to be evidenced by a certificate issued
by such Government, which certificate shall be in the English
language, and shall show such permission, with the name of the
permitted person in his or her proper signature, and which
certificate shall state the individual, family, and tribal
name in full, title or official rank, if any, the age, height,
and all physical peculiarities, former and present occupation
or profession, when and where and how long pursued, and place
of residence of the person to whom the certificate is issued,
and that such person is entitled by this act to come within
the United States.
"If the person so applying for a certificate shall be a
merchant, said certificate shall in addition to above
requirements, state the nature, character, and estimated value
of the business carried on by him prior to and at the time of
his application as aforesaid: Provided, That nothing in
this act nor in said treaty shall be construed as embracing
within the meaning of the word ‘merchant,’ hucksters,
peddlers, or those engaged in taking, drying, or otherwise
preserving shell or other fish for home consumption or
exportation.
"If the certificate be sought for the purpose of travel for
curiosity, it shall also state whether the applicant intends
to pass through or travel within the United States, together
with his financial standing in the country from which such
certificate is desired.
"The certificate provided for in this act, and the identity of
the person named therein shall, before such person goes on
board any vessel to proceed to the United States, be viséd by
the indorsement of the diplomatic representatives of the
United States in the foreign country from which such
certificate issues, or of the consular representative of the
United States at the port or place from which the person named
in the certificate is about to depart; and such diplomatic
representative or consular representative whose indorsement is
so required is hereby empowered, and it shall be his duty,
before indorsing such certificate as aforesaid, to examine
into the truth of the statements set forth in said
certificate, and if he shall find upon examination that said
or any of the statements therein contained are untrue it shall
be his duty to refuse to indorse the same.
"Such certificate viséd as aforesaid shall be prima facie
evidence of the facts set forth therein, and shall be produced
to the Chinese inspector in charge of the port in the district
in the United States at which the person named therein shall
arrive, and afterward produced to the proper authorities of
the United States whenever lawfully demanded, and shall be the
sole evidence permissible on the part of the person so
producing the same to establish a right of entry into the
United States; but said certificate may be controverted and
the facts therein stated disproved by the United States
authorities."
It will be observed that Article IV. of the Treaty of 1880
provides that, if measures enacted in the United States "are
found to work hardship upon the subjects of China, the Chinese
minister at Washington may bring the matter to the notice of
the Secretary of State of the United States, who will consider
the subject with him." One who consults the annual reports
that are published, of "Papers relating to the Foreign
Relations of the United States," will find that the Chinese
Minister at Washington has had occasion very often to bring
cases of the kind thus referred to in the Treaty to the notice
of the Secretary of State, and discovered, when he did so,
almost invariably, that under the enactments complained of the
Secretary of State had no power even to "consider the subject"
of complaint with him. The highly intelligent and keenly
logical Mr. Wu Ting-fang, who represented China at Washington
in 1900-1902, had much correspondence on such matters with
Secretary Hay, whose sympathetic friendliness to China was
well proved; but Mr. Hay could never do more than refer Mr.
Wu’s representations to the Treasury Department and its
officials, who held all authority in the matter, and politely
return to the Chinese Minister such responses as they put into
his hands. The following is one example of Mr. Wu Ting-fang’s
communications. It is dated at Washington, December 26, 1900:
"I have received from the imperial consul-general and from
reputable Chinese merchants in San Francisco such urgent
complaints that I feel it my regrettable duty to again address
you on the subject of the manner in which the immigration laws
of Congress are being enforced against Chinese subjects. They
represent what I set forth in my note of the 30th ultimo, that
under the rulings of the authorities of the port of San
Francisco Chinese students holding certificates in conformity
to the treaty and law of Congress are virtually debarred from
entering the United States, it being held by the said
authorities that such students must come here with a knowledge
of the English language and with an education that will permit
them to forthwith enter a college or take up an advanced
professional course of study. They further represent that
under the act of November 3, 1893, the Government of the
United States issued certificates of residence to a large
number of Chinese persons, not laborers—merchants and others—
and that the rights acquired under these certificates are
being entirely ignored. Holders of such certificates desiring
to make a temporary visit to China are denied the privilege,
and persons who have departed holding such certificates are
denied the privilege of reentering the United States. They
state that merchants returning to San Francisco after a
temporary visit to China are often imprisoned in the detention
dock for weeks and months pending their landing. Their
Caucasian witnesses are put to all sorts of inconveniences and
annoyances and treated with suspicion and discourtesy. When
present to sign identification papers they are compelled to
await the pleasure of the Chinese bureau for examination, and
are plied with all sorts of immaterial questions from an
inspector, who assumes the character of an inquisitor.
{538}
The result of this is that it is now very difficult for
Chinese desiring to visit their native land to obtain the
necessary signatures for their identification papers, thus
causing them untold mental and financial suffering. They
report that it has been heretofore the custom in San Francisco
for years to allow the attorney for the persons desiring to
enter the United States to be present at the Chinese bureau
pending the taking of evidence on their behalf, thus affording
a protection to the Chinese applicants and operating as a
restraint upon overzealous subordinate officials. It has just
been ordered by the port authorities that henceforth no
attorneys shall be allowed to be present at the taking of such
testimony, or of any testimony on behalf of Chinese desiring
to enter that port. They assert that this action makes the
immigration inspector, whose avowed policy is to cause the
return to China of every Chinese he possibly can, the master
of the situation and throws all Chinese applicants at his
feet."
Minister Wu to Secretary Hay, December 26, 1900
(Foreign Relations, 1901, page 64).
In a previous communication the Chinese Minister had expressed
the opinion that the matter demanded the attention of the
President; to which Secretary Hay replied that "in the
Department’s view the immigration acts do not confer upon the
President any power to interpose in the matter. The act of
August 18, 1894, provides that ‘in every case where an alien
is excluded from admission into the United States under any
law or treaty now existing or hereafter made, the decision of
the appropriate immigration or customs officers, if adverse to
the admission of such alien, shall be final, unless reversed
on appeal to the Secretary of the Treasury." On this statement
Mr. Wu now remarked:
"I beg to say that I was aware of the law which is quoted in
your note of the 5th instant, when I suggested the
interposition of the President of the United States, but I am
advised that it can hardly be interpreted as a prohibition
against the exercise by that supreme official of the nation of
his influence with one of his own Secretaries, if he was
convinced, upon examination of the facts, that a solemn treaty
guaranty was being violated and a great wrong being done to
subjects of a friendly Government. I am further advised that
it was not the intent of Congress, by the act cited, to take
from the President the duty, which I have understood was
imposed on him by your great and wise Constitution, to ‘take
care that the laws be faithfully executed,’ and by the same
instrument the treaties with foreign nations are declared to
be ‘the supreme law of the land.’ I feel persuaded that if you
will lay the questions presented in the present note and that
of the 30th ultimo before the President, he will be inspired
by his high sense of justice to induce the honorable Secretary
of the Treasury to revise the decisions which have been made
by the official of his Department, or that he will at least
submit the question to the Attorney-General for a construction
of the treaty and the laws depending thereon."
Foreign Relations,
1901, page 65.
Any fair-minded reader of the correspondence between Chinese
and American officials, relative to the treatment of Chinamen
in the United States, is likely to find himself quite
generally in sympathy with the former, and compelled to doubt
whether the subjects of China would lose anything if all the
treaty engagements supposed to be in force, between their
Government and the Government of the United States, were
cancelled to-morrow.
RACE PROBLEMS:
Anti-Japanese Agitation in California.
Segregation of Orientals in San Francisco Schools.
Japanese Resentment.
The Labor Question at the Bottom.
State Rights and Treaty Rights.
"The events noted in this article belong mostly to San
Francisco, but to a very considerable extent the agitation is
one of state and national importance.
"In November, 1904, the American Federation of Labor held its
annual meeting in San Francisco. It adopted a resolution
demanding that the terms of the Chinese Exclusion Act should
be so extended ‘as to permanently exclude from the United
States and its insular territory all classes of Japanese and
Coreans other than those exempted by the present terms of the
act.’"
"In February, 1905, the San Francisco Chronicle, a
daily newspaper of state-wide reputation, began to publish a
series of articles having the general object of representing
the immigration of Japanese, particularly of Japanese
laborers, as a menace to the interests of the people of
California and of the nation as well. On the date of the first
publication, February 23, 1905, the purpose of the series was
thus announced editorially:
"‘With this issue we summon the attention of the public to a
matter of grave import, a matter that no longer admits of
delay if we are to preserve the integrity of our social life
not only in California but throughout the Union. The Japanese
invasion with which we are confronted is fraught with a peril
none the less momentous because it is so silent, none the less
attended with danger to American character and to American
institutions because it is so peaceful. … It will be well for
us to choose now the line of least resistance, to determine
now and forever whether this State and this country are to be
American or whether they are to be Asiatic, whether they are
to continue under the sway of American thought and aspiration
or whether they are to become a seminary, an abiding place,
and an inheritance for the Oriental peoples. … This is a
matter first for California and for the Pacific Coast and
secondly for the whole Nation. California stands to-day as an
open door for Japan and for Asia and when these portals have
been passed the road to the Atlantic is unbarred.’
"The series of articles printed conspicuously on the front
page at intervals of two or three days sought to establish as
fact a rapidly increasing inflow of Japanese laborers, ready
to work at wages far below the white standard, and sending
native-born white men into the ranks of the unemployed.
"By a unanimous vote in each House, and with only few
absentees, the California Legislature on March 1 and 2, 1905,
placed itself on record with respect to Japanese immigration
in the adoption of a concurrent resolution. After a lengthy
preamble, the Legislature—
"‘Resolved, that in view of the facts and reasons
aforesaid, and of many others that might be stated, we, as
representatives of the people of the State of California, do
earnestly and strenuously ask and request, and in so far as it
may be proper, demand for the protection of the people of this
State and for the proper safe-guarding of their interests,
that action be taken without delay, by treaty, or otherwise,
as may be most expeditious and advantageous, tending to limit
within reasonable bounds and diminish in a marked degree the
further immigration of Japanese laborers into the United
States.
{539}
"‘That our Senators and Representatives be, and they are
hereby, requested and directed to bring the matters aforesaid
to the attention of the President and the Department of
State.’
California Statutes, 1905,
Concurrent & Joint Res. chapter xxiv.
"On Sunday May 7, 1905, there was held in Lyric Hall, San
Francisco, a sort of convention of representatives of various
Labor organizations and Improvement Clubs of San Francisco and
near-by cities,—such as the Building Trades Council, District
Council of Painters, Carpenters’ Union No. 22, Federation of
Mission Improvement Clubs, et al. After much speech-making of
a demagogic character, committees were appointed and an
adjournment taken to the following Sunday. On that day, May
14, organization was perfected by the election of the usual
officers. All of these were men active in the promotion of
labor organization.
"On May 6, 1905, the San Francisco Board of Education adopted
a resolution expressing its determination ‘to effect the
establishment of separate schools for Chinese and Japanese
pupils … for the higher end that our children should not be
placed in any position where their youthful impressions may be
affected by association with pupils of the Mongolian Race.’
But finding itself without sufficient funds for equipment of a
separate school, the Board did not pursue the matter at this
time. Its zeal in the matter was not abated by the vast amount
of labor required to reëstablish the schools after the great
fire of April, 1906, and on October 11, 1906, it adopted and
put into effect the following resolution:
"‘Resolved, That in accordance with Article X, Section
1662, of the School Law of California, principals are hereby
directed to send all Chinese Japanese or Corean children to
the Oriental public school, situated on the south side of Clay
street, between Powell and Mason streets, on and after Monday,
October 15, 1906.’
"The Consul of Japan in San Francisco at once addressed
protests to the Board of Education, urging that the
requirement would work great hardship upon Japanese children,
by reason of distance and the difficulties of travel,
street-car transportation at the time being very uncertain on
account of the derangements produced by the great
conflagration of April, 1906. Protests and appeals were alike
turned aside in California, but they received instant
attention in Washington by President Roosevelt, who sent
Honorable V. H. Metcalf, the Secretary of Commerce and Labor,
to San Francisco to investigate on the ground.
"There seemed to be a possible solution of the school question
by securing a judicial determination of the matter as a
violation of treaty rights. Upon these points Secretary
Metcalf reported to the President substantially as follows:
"1st.
There is no ‘favored nation’ clause in any treaty between the
United States and Japan which clearly guarantees the right of
education. The action of the San Francisco School Board is
therefore not the denial of a treaty right.
"2nd.
Two points remain upon which the validity of the resolution of
the School Board might be questioned, as follows:
"a. May the sovereign State of California delegate legislative
rights to district school boards or other municipal or local
bodies?
"b. Are the Japanese Mongolians, and as such covered by the
state statute governing the establishment of schools?
"Suit upon these points is inadvisable for the reason that in
case of a favorable decision, the next legislature would
hasten to enact legislation especially singling out the
Japanese for discrimination.
"In December, 1906, however, the United States District
Attorney was summoned from San Francisco to Washington for
conference with the President and Attorney-General, and upon
his return to San Francisco two suits were commenced. One was
a petition for a writ of mandate in the Supreme Court of
California, the other was a suit in equity in the United
States Circuit Court for the Northern District of California.
Neither suit was prosecuted, and both actions were
subsequently dismissed.
"The influence of the Japanese Consul and of the leaders among
the Japanese resident in San Francisco was strongly exerted
toward allaying excitement and preventing any acts that might
give ground for complaint. However, it was impossible to
conceal the fact that the effort of the School Board toward
segregation was a stinging blow to Japanese national pride.
"The San Francisco school question was suddenly lifted into
national prominence by President Roosevelt, who included
pointed criticism of the San Francisco authorities in his
annual message to Congress, as follows:
"‘Not only must we treat all nations fairly, but we must treat
with justice and good will all immigrants who come here under
the law. … Especially do we need to remember our duty to the
stranger within our gates. … I am prompted to say this by the
attitude of hostility here and there assumed toward the
Japanese in this country. … It is most discreditable to us as
a people and it may be fraught with the gravest consequences
to the nation. … Here and there a most unworthy feeling has
manifested itself toward the Japanese—a feeling that has shown
itself in shutting them out from the common schools in San
Francisco, and in mutterings against them in one or two other
places, because of their efficiency as workers. To shut them
out from the public schools is a wicked absurdity, when there
are no first-class colleges in the land, including the
universities and colleges of California, which do not welcome
Japanese students and on which Japanese students do not
reflect credit.’ The president then specifically recommended
to Congress the enactment of legislation for the
naturalization of Japanese and for the enlargement of the
powers of the federal government for the better protection of
resident aliens against infringement of treaty rights.
{540}
"The effect of the president’s utterances was to raise new
questions and to bring new and powerful influences to the
support of the San Francisco authorities. In California the
San Francisco School Board received at once the credit of
heroic defense of the principle of state sovereignty.
Expression of the same sentiment in Congress was immediate and
direct.
"Early in 1907, President Roosevelt invited the San Francisco
Board of Education to come to Washington. This invitation was
accepted, and the Board, accompanied by the Mayor of San
Francisco, journeyed across the continent. Several conferences
were held, and after their return to San Francisco, public
statements of results were made both by the Board of Education
and by the Mayor. On March 13, 1907, the offending resolution
of the previous October was repealed.
"The action of the San Francisco authorities aroused very
general comment throughout the country. The actual facts in
regard to the Japanese in the schools were not inquired into
by the San Francisco press, nor in fact were they accurately
known at the time even to the school authorities of the city.
The exact facts were published by The Outlook on June
1, 1907, from accurate investigation on the ground. The
Superintendent of Schools had given as the main reason for
segregation, that 95 per cent. of the Japanese pupils were
young men and ‘we object to an adult Japanese sitting beside a
twelve year old girl.’ The facts were that on December 8,
1906, in all schools of primary and grammar grade there was an
enrollment of 28,736 pupils. Of these there were 93 Japanese,
nearly one-third of whom were born in the United States. There
were 28 girls and 65 boys. Of the 65 boys 34 were under 15
years of age, and of the remaining 31 only 2 were 20 years. 25
of the boys over 15 years were in the grammar grades, leaving
but 6 to justify the objection of adults ‘sitting beside
children of tender years.’ The conclusion of the