Some clans are still undivided. Others have split up into two kindreds which intermarry and call themselves “big” and “little,” e.g. Ezongterowe and Ezongtsopowe. Others, again, are divided into many kindreds, each called after some ancestor. The following are among the kindreds [[92]]of the Nguli clan—Yemkhashandre, Yemphuhore, Ritsenshandre, Monglema, Pyakore, Yemtsore, Shungentsore, Yamphentangre. Besides this arrangement of phratries, clans and kindreds within the tribe there is a system of inter-tribal corresponding clans existing in all the Naga tribes with which the writer is acquainted. A Lhota will say, for instance, that his clan is “the same” as some particular Ao clan. That Ao clan in turn will say that they are “one clan” with some particular Konyak clan, which in turn has a corresponding Phom clan, and so on. For instance, Lhota Chami corresponds to Ao Chamirr and Sema Yepothomi; Lhota Kikung corresponds to Ao Longchacharr, Sema Shohemi and Rengma Apungza; Lhota Muri corresponds to Ao Pongrr and Sema Chishilimi; Lhoti Nguli corresponds to Ao Alangcharr, Sema Wotsami[4] and Rengma Ketenini, and so on. A Sema who comes and settles in Are becomes a Lhota and incorporates himself into the clan corresponding to his old clan. If he or his children go back they slip into their old clan again. In cases where a Lhota marries a woman of another tribe he may, however, take a wife from a corresponding clan. For the clans being of different tribes they are regarded as being so widely separated, though corresponding, that there is no harm in intermarriage. But it is quite possible that intermarriage was once forbidden, [[93]]for Changs who keep old customs very strictly will not intermarry with a corresponding Ao clan.
The Lhota table of relationships is given herewith in the form suggested by Professor Rivers.
Relationships.
| Father. | opo. | Son. | otsotyungo. |
| Mother. | oyo. | Daughter. | otsolovo. |
| Elder brother | (M.S.) |  | | (W.S.). |
| ota. | Younger brother (M.S.). | onyuro. |
| Elder sister | (M.S.) |  | | (W.S.). |
| ota. | | Younger sister | (M.S.). | | (W.S.). |
| |
| Father’s elder brother. | oporamo. | Younger brother (W.S.). | opye. |
| Father’s younger brother. | oporo (all Lhotas) or oponunghowo (Northern Lhotas). | Brother’s son (M.S.). | otsotyungo. |
| Father’s elder brother’s wife. | oyo or oyoramo. | Brother’s daughter (M.S.). | otsolovo. |
| Father’s younger brother’s wife. | oyo or oyonunghowo, or oyoramo (if she be older than speaker’s mother). | Husband’s brother’s son. | otsotyungo. |
| Father’s brother’s son. | ota (if older than speaker). | Husband’s brother’s daughter. | otsolovo. |
| onyuro (if younger than speaker). | Brother’s son (W.S.). | ongo. |
| Father’s brother’s daughter. | ota (if older than speaker). | Brother’s daughter (W.S.). | oka. |
| oyilo (if younger than speaker). |
| Father’s elder sister. | onnoramo (Northern Lhotas). | | |
| onno (Southern Lhotas). | | |
| Father’s younger sister. | onnoro or onnonunghowo (Northern Lhotas). | | |
| onno (Southern Lhotas). | | |
| Father’s elder sister’s husband. | omoramo (if of clan of speaker’s mother). | Wife’s brother’s son. | orrho (if brother’s wife of same clan as speaker). |
| onung (if not of clan of speaker’s mother). | onung (if brother’s wife not of speaker’s clan). |
| Father’s younger sister’s husband. | omonunghowo (if of clan of speaker’s mother). | Wife’s brother’s daughter. | orrhovo (if brother’s wife of same clan as speaker). |
| onung (if not of clan of speaker’s mother). | orrham (if brother’s wife not of speaker’s clan). |
| Father’s sister’s son. | orrho. | | |
| Father’s sister’s daughter. | orrhovo. | Sister’s son (M.S.). | orrho. |
| Mother’s brother. | omo. | Sister’s daughter (M.S.). | orrhovo. |
| Mother’s brother’s wife. | ongi (unless of same clan as speaker, when whatever term blood relationship required wouldbe used. Northern Lhotas). | Husband’s sister’s child. | ongo (m.) and oka (f.). |
| onno (Southern Lhotas). | | |
| Mother’s brother’s son. | omo. | | |
| Mother’s brother’s daughter. | oyonunghowo. | | [[94]] |
| Mother’s elder sister. | oyoramo. | Sister’s son (W.S.). | otsotyungo. |
| Mother’s younger sister. | oyonunghowo. | Sister’s daughter (W.S.). | otsolovo. |
| Mother’s sister’s husband. | oporamo (if older than speaker’s father). | Wife’s sister’s son. | otsotyungo. |
| oporo (if younger than speaker’s father). | Wife’s sister’s daughter. | otsolovo. |
| Mother’s sister’s son. | ota (if older than speaker). | | |
| ongo (if younger than speaker). | | |
| Mother’s sister’s daughter. | ota (if older than speaker). | | |
| oka (if younger than speaker). | | |
| Father’s father. | omotsü. | | Son’s son | (M.S.). |  | | (W.S.). |
| orrhe. |
| Father’s mother. | otyo (Northern Lhotas). | | Son’s daughter | (M.S.). |  | | (W.S.). |
| orrhevo |
| otsü (Southern Lhotas). | | |
| Mother’s father. | omotsü. | | Daughter’s son | (M.S.). |  | | (W.S.). |
| orrhe. |
| Mother’s mother. | otyo (Northern Lhotas). | | Daughter’s daughter | (M.S.). |  | | (W.S.). |
| orrhevo. |
| otsü (Southern Lhotas). | | |
| Husband. | orapfu. | Wife. | |
| Wife’s father. | omo. | | Daughter’s husband. | (M.S.). |  | | (W.S.). |
| |
| Wife’s mother. | ongi (Northern Lhotas). | | |
| onno (Southern Lhotas). | | |
| Husband’s father. | omo. | Son’s wife (M.S.). | omi (Northern Lhotas). |
| | | orrhovo (Southern Lhotas). |
| Husband’s mother. | ongi (Northern Lhotas). | Son’s wife (W.S.). | oka. |
| onno (Southern Lhotas). | | |
| Wife’s elder brother. | onung. | Sister’s husband (M.S.). | onung. |
| Wife’s younger brother. | onung nunghowo. | Sister’s husband (W.S.). | orrhang. |
| Wife’s elder sister. | orrhamm eramo. | | |
| Wife’s younger sister. | orrhamm nunghowo. | | |
| Husband’s brother. | orrhang. | Brother’s wife (M.S.). | omi. |
| Husband’s sister. | onung. | Brother’s wife (W.S.). | onung. |
| Wife’s sister’s husband. | ozi (if not of speaker’s clan). | | |
| oporo or ota (if of speaker’s clan). | | |
| Husband’s brother’s wife. | ota (if older than speaker). | | |
| oka (if younger than speaker). | | |
| oyeni (if of same age as speaker). | | |
| Son’s wife’s parents (M.S.). | omo (m.) and ota or oka (f.). | | |
| (W.S.). | oporo, oporamo, ota or ongo (m.) according to age, and onung (f.). | | |
| Sister’s daughter’s husband (M.S.). | ota or ongo according to age. | | |
| (W.S.). | omyako. | | |
Note.—For the sake of clearness only one word for mother (oyo) has been given in the above list. But in speaking of women born in certain clans the terms opfu, opfuramo, and opfununghowo are invariably used instead of oyo, oyoramo, and oyonunghowo, irrespective of what clan [[95]]their husbands may belong to. These clans are all the clans of the Tompyaktserre phratry, and the Ezong clan of the Mipongsandre phratry. In speaking of women of the Nguli, Kithang, Sempinguli, Sityingonguli, Shetri and Humtsoi clans the Northern Lhotas use oyo and its derivatives, while the Southern Lhotas use opfu and its derivatives. The custom with regard to women of the Yanthang, Moyoyanthang and Tsangle clans varies in different villages. The Lhotas cannot account for the existence of two terms for ‘mother,’ nor can they say why a particular term is used in speaking of women born in a particular clan.[5]
In ordinary conversation the general ongo, boy, and oka, lass, are used instead of the formal terms otsotyungo and otsolovo. In the case of a woman speaking of her brother’s child ongo and oka are invariably used instead of otsotyungo and otsolovo in order to avoid any suggestion of marital relations with her brother. The terms orapfu and eng are rarely used in address, or when a man or woman is speaking of his or her own wife or husband. Instead, okikhamo (m.) and okikhamm (f.), meaning “house-mate,” are substituted.
Though they may be of a different phratry there are certain women whom a man may not marry. (1) His mother’s sister’s daughter, even if his mother’s sister has married into another clan, for he calls his mother’s sister oyoramo (“big mother”) or oyonunghowo (“little mother”); (2) his own sister’s daughter (orrhovo); (3) his father’s sister’s daughter (orrhovo); but he can marry his mother’s brother’s daughter (oyonunghowo). A man is rather expected to take his wife from his mother’s clan. There is no fine for not doing so, but his mother’s clan are likely to take offence. He is fined if, having taken one wife from his mother’s clan, he takes a new one from another clan. The fine amounts to about Rs. 5, and is called lolang ’ntyakma (the price of not taking from the mother’s clan). A man is not bound to marry his deceased brother’s wife, but he may do so if he wishes without paying any marriage price. He may also marry his father’s widow provided that she is not his own mother, but such marriages, though pretty common, are viewed with a certain amount of disfavour.[6] [[96]]
[[Contents]]
Polity and Village Organization.
Every village is an independent unit in the tribe. Leagues of villages were formed for purposes of war, and in these cases the advice of the most powerful village would naturally carry most weight. Thus Pangti and Tsingaki respectively were the informal heads of leagues against the Aos and Semas. But except for war no village ever acknowledged the authority of any other village. There are very rarely definite boundaries between the lands of different villages. In the case of villages situated close to one another the lands of individuals of either village are inextricably mixed up. The writer once asked a Lhota why they had no village boundary disputes like Semas and Angamis, to which he replied, “It would be a shameful thing. Every man knows where his own land is, so how could there be a quarrel?” The fact that the Lhotas do not suffer from shortage of land as the Semas and Angamis do also helps to produce this peaceful state of affairs. In the days when villages were constantly at war each village was ruled by a chief (ekyung) assisted by an informal council of elders. The chieftainship was hereditary in the family of the man who originally founded the village, but did not at all necessarily pass from father to son. The most suitable man became chief by force of character. His main function was that of a leader in war, and his perquisite all the spoils brought home from raids. In some villages he is said to have had the privilege of the free labour of the village for his field two or three times a year, but this right has not been exercised anywhere within living memory and apparently lapsed before the Hills were taken over, if indeed it ever existed. The Pax Britannica having put an end to his raison d’être and its sole concomitant privilege, the post of ekyung has virtually ceased to exist and the word even is rarely heard. Villages are now managed by an informal council of old men and men of influence, with headmen selected by Government through whom the village is dealt with. The old men are appropriately called sotsoi (meat-eaters), for they inflict fines of pork in petty cases and eat the fine. Sotsoi are divided into [[97]]two classes called tongti, the upper division, and chochang,[7] the lower division. Under them is a council of vague dimensions called pangi. Usually the village is run as an undivided whole, but where the “khels” are big the tendency is for the leading men of each “khel” to manage their affairs independently. Among the Aos every village is divided up by an ancient and elaborate system into working companies. The Lhota system is far simpler. Working companies (yengaten) are composed of the children of neighbours. Boys and girls work together and help in the fields of the parents of the various members of the company when there is a pressure of work. Anyone who is short of labour may hire a company for the day, giving them their midday meal and a small wage.