Life and bloody career of the executed criminal, James Copeland, the great Southern land pirate

by J. R. S. Pitts

Differences in organizations and in education, with vast extensions of clashing interest; these, when properly directed, may be rather a blessing than otherwise; but when allowed to run into the wildest excesses without any restraint whatever, the evils must be frightful in the train of consequences. The excessive philanthropist is on for freedom, and will sacrifice every other consideration for the success of his ardent object, regardless of the reacting forces of despotism. The creature of inordinate ambition does not stop to consider who is right and who wrong—down with every obstacle in his way, that has a tendency to impede his ultimate design. The theological devotee prefers his own denomination to all others—his own all right—the rest all mixed up with much objectionable error. The individual who has made so much wealth, and attained to so great a height of pecuniary prosperity by means, no matter whether fair or foul, desires no change, even though it may be for the benefit of tens of thousands—his own individual or conventional interest will have more value in his estimation than the interests of united millions in conflict. Generally, those who have risen to honors, distinctions, and emoluments by the vicious elements in society, will spare no exertions which talent and wealth can command for the perpetuation of the same circumstances of public wrongs. But, it is true, where there are freedom of thought and action, public vices cannot accumulate beyond a limited extent before conflicting interests and passions will bring on the appropriate or temporary remedy; yet the victors not unfrequently, ere long, run into as wild excesses as their erring but fallen predecessors! so then it would appear that revolutions only amount to a change from one sort of excesses to another equally as pregnant with evils. Yet in spite of all these apparently vain and oscillating circumstances, there are underlying movements at work in the nature of occult causes driving on nations to either dissolution or a better and more enduring form of government.

If a government is so defective that it cannot sufficiently protect life and property; if its conduct is so fickle and uncertain as to destroy confidence and stability in the future, convulsion, decay, and death must inevitably come if the organic abuses are too great to admit of any other remedy.

Untempered liberty is worse than despotism; it is barbarism—might reigns and not right. All the passions of licentiousness are let loose, and the many weak are lawful prey for the few strong.

The idea which commonly prevails as regards frequency of elections being the effective remedy for all abuses of government, though plausible, is sophistry and the height of fallacy according to the lessons which experience have taught. It is all very easy and fine to contend for short terms of elections—all very captivating to contend that if one officer well performs his duty, he can either retire into private life with all the grateful honors of his country, or, for meritorious services, he can be re-elected for another term, all of which is the most powerful incentive to do right, and, at the same time, the most formidable barrier against intentional wrong. But what does experience loudly proclaim? “For the short term you will be in office, make all you can, scruple at nothing, laugh justice in the face, trample on the principles of rectitude, and you will be admired in the present and immediate future only as a consummate political trickster which may, without shame, be imitated by other succeeding actors. But if you mean to be honest, and tender of just rights and claims, with a desire for the common good of your country in rewarding meritorious services and encouraging the sources of true national prosperity, you will only be laughed at for your folly.” These constant elections, as it were, open the store-houses for a general scramble, for a wordy warfare of frothy declamation, for abuse and misrepresentation of all the nobler traits of human nature—making virtue a crime and fashionable vices respectable. The most expert in business of this sort, are generally the successful ones in the contest. Before the excitement of one election is over, another more intense begins. Under present circumstances, no one can calculate with any reasonable probability of continuance of the present form of government beyond a period of four years while there is no security for keeping wild and inflamed passions within proper bounds.

Correct public sentiment, when free to choose, is apt to have a government of the same nature. Is it public sentiment that forms the character of government, or government which forms the character of public sentiment? Both of these considerations may be true. It is quite possible to conceive how a few intelligent and well-meaning persons, commanding a sufficiency of power, can improve the character of a nation; and under other circumstances, vice versa.

We want a government sufficient to restrain the strong and protect the weak. We want a government competent to make good laws, and strong enough to execute them. We want a government determined to protect life and property, so that industry can be encouraged, and a confidence in the permanent stability of it maintained. We want a government that will purify the bar, and give a judiciary of competency and integrity such as will grace and adorn the bench for “its disposition to do justice to all.” We want a government resolved to inflict punishment and stamp with enduring disapprobation any league or infamous association for the triumph of crime, no matter how distinguished or wealthy its members may be.

The particulars of the trial now to be given, is a striking illustration of the league for the triumph of wrong, in which not only the executive heads of several States were concerned, but also other high officials in power, with more of distinguished persons in different capacities.

As the caption states, their triumph was only in name. The retribution of truth and justice is sometimes tardy in execution; but, longer or shorter, it is sure to come. Nearly fifteen years have elapsed, since this trial terminated, and the public has remained uninformed to this day of the more important features connected with it. This long silence has favored the continuance of wealth, power, and the honors of office for the prosecutors; while the defendant was unjustly brought to the verge of ruin by the enormous expenses attending the trial. The phases are now being changed—one side going out and the other coming in—one recovering strength and the other experiencing decline and fall with reference to the future—consequences which should immediately have followed the trial, for if justice could be forthwith done without so much expense and delay, the evil perpetrators would soon come to an end; or, at least, would soon become diminished in numbers.

As stated in another place, the interval betwixt the times of giving bond and trial amounted to near forty days. One part of this interval was devoted to making preparations for trial; the other part was consumed in visiting on the coast with a view to gather such information as might be of interest afterwards. The information as to the discovery of the place of deposited money in Catahoula swamp is one link in the chain of circumstances which attest the truth of the “confessions;” another is the finding of the mysterious map in a few days after the famous Harvey battle, which is in perfect agreement with another part of the said confessions, together with the singular circumstances in connection, which were the means of George A. Cleaveland getting possession of the map, with other subsequent circumstances showing the strongest of probability that he not only understood it, but also succeeded in getting the buried gold from Catahoula swamp.

But the opening of the city court and the time for trial were near at hand, and the sheriff or defendant, had to leave the coast hurriedly to repair forthwith to Mobile. He arrived there some two or three days prior to the opening of court. He there found considerable anxiety and excitement prevailing on the subject. A number of collected friends from distant parts of Mississippi were there to be present and hear the trial, which was the general theme of conversation and speculation everywhere. Fortunate for the defendant, he arrived in time to summon quite a number of important witnesses, who were accidently in the city from various points on the line of the Mobile & Ohio railroad attending a railroad meeting. DeKalb, Kemper county, was well represented in this meeting. The delegates from this town all being men of moral worth and of superior intelligence; J. H. Gully, P. H. Gully, H. C. Rush, A. B. Campbell, Cornelius McLamore, and the illustrious J. S. Hamm, then presiding judge of his district, all from the above named place. In DeKalb, S. S. Shoemake had resided for a number of years, and these gentlemen from the same place were very valuable as witnesses in the estimation of the defendant; and, of course, he had them summoned without delay right on the ground.