At Raleigh I found the Legislature,—composed mostly of a respectable and worthy-looking yeomanry—battling over the question of negro testimony in the civil courts; spending day after day in the discussion of a subject which could be settled in only one way, and which ought to have been settled at once. One member remarked outside: “I’ll never vote for that bill unless driven to it by the bayonet.” Another said: “I’m opposed to giving niggers any privileges.” These men represent a large class of North Carolina farmers; but fortunately there is another class of more progressive and liberal ideas, which are sure at last to prevail.
The business of Raleigh was dull, the money in the country being exhausted. A few Northern men, who had gone into trade there, were discouraged, and anxious to get away.
“So great is the impoverishment of our State,” Governor Worth said to me, “that a tax of any considerable amount would bring real estate at once into the market.” Among other causes, the repudiation of the entire State debt contracted during the war, had contributed to destroy the resources of the people. The middling and poorer classes had invested nearly all their surplus means in State treasury notes, which became worthless. The cause of education suffered with everything else. The University of North Carolina had all its funds invested in the banks; “Repudiation killed the banks,” said Governor Worth, “and the banks killed the University.” A million dollars of the common-school fund went the same way.
North Carolina, like several of her Southern sisters, had passed a stay law, which threatened a serious injury to her interests. By preventing the collection of debts, it destroyed credit, of which the people, in their present condition, stand so much in need. Although unconstitutional and impolitic, so great was the popularity of this law, that the ablest politicians feared to make an effort for its repeal.
By one of its provisions, a mortgage inures to the benefit of all the creditors of the mortgagor. Many large estates were, necessarily, to be broken up; and the best thing that could happen, for them and for the community, was, that they should fall into the hands of small farmers; but, in consequence of this curious law, the owners would not sell to these men, except for cash, which was lacking.
These Southern stay laws, I may here mention, do not touch the rights of a Northern creditor, who can bring his suit in United States courts, which ignore them.
The Northern men in the State were mostly settled on cotton plantations in the eastern counties. There were also many engaged in the turpentine and lumber business in the southern part, and along the coast. In the central and western parts there were almost none.
Of the extensive rice plantations of the tide-water region, but few were in operation, owing to the great outlay of capital necessary to carry them on. To seed them alone involves an expense of ten dollars an acre. Yet, from the representations of Northern men who had gone to rice planting, I am satisfied that here is an opening for very profitable investments.
The small farmers of North Carolina are a plain, old-fashioned, upright, ignorant class of men. Mr. Best, Secretary of State, told me that forty-five per cent. of those who took the oath of allegiance in Green County, where he administered it, made their marks. “Yet many of these are men of as strong sense as any in the State,” he added; “and they were generally Union men.”