This laudable enterprise for the general diffusion of education in the South was powerfully aided and will continue to be so by the munificent gift by George Peabody, Esq., of the sum of more than two millions of dollars, the income of which is to be distributed annually to southern schools and institutions of learning, without distinction of color or race. Several institutions have been founded in Washington, D. C., Wilmington, N. C., New Orleans, and Pittsburgh for the higher education of colored young men, with a view to qualify them for teachers and preachers among their own people.
The constitutional conventions of the desolated States have wisely incorporated into their bills of rights and their constitutions the right and the provision for universal education, and the legislatures elected are manifesting a willingness to tax themselves for this purpose, to an extent which, in their present impoverished condition, is highly creditable to them.
The result of this will be that in a few years the mass of voters in the Southern States will be equal in intelligence to the people of any other section of the country, or to any nation in the world, and with that intelligence they may safely be trusted to govern themselves. In all countries and states, and at all times, ignorance, which brings in its train all other vices, has been the worst foe of good government. But with an intelligent and enterprising people no form of despotism, neither autocracy, oligarchy, or mob law, can prevail. Hence dark as may be the clouds which now overhang the South, we look confidently for a brighter future, when its despotic aristocracy shall no longer hold sway.
CHAPTER LXXXVI.
IMPEACHMENT.
The determination of the President to proceed with his own plan of restoring the states lately in insurrection to their former status, in violation of all law, and of the rights of the Legislative branch of the Government, to whom this work had been confided by the constitution, as well as the defiant and hostile spirit he manifested toward all who opposed his course, led many of the members of both houses of Congress to feel that it would be necessary to check his career by impeachment.
Still there was a very great reluctance to resort to such an extreme measure, except under circumstances of extraordinarily aggravated offence. Many of the Republican members believed for months that Mr. Johnson’s course was merely experimental, and that he would ere long return to harmony and co-operation with the party which had elected him to the Vice-Presidency; and entertaining this view, they were unwilling to resort to any measures which should alienate him still more.
The more advanced Republicans were convinced that these views were erroneous; that Mr. Johnson really sought a breach with the Republicans; that he was at heart a Democrat, and in sympathy with the Rebel leaders; that his violations of the laws and of the rights of Congress had been deliberate and intentional, and that he intended to continue his course so long as he could do it with impunity.
The first positive movement looking toward impeachment, was made on the 17th of December, 1866, when the Hon. James M. Ashley, of Ohio, moved a suspension of the rules to enable him to report, from the Committee on Territories, a resolution for the appointment of a select committee of seven by the Speaker, to inquire whether any acts had been done by any officer of the Government of the United States, which in contemplation of the constitution, were high crimes, or misdemeanors, &c. The suspension of the rules was refused, (two-thirds being necessary). Yeas, 90; nays, 49.
On the 7th of January, 1867, Hon. Ben. F. Loan, of Missouri, moved a resolution, (which was referred to the Committee on Reconstruction), declaring it the imperative duty of the Thirty-Ninth Congress, (among other things), to take, without delay, such action as would accomplish the impeachment of the officer now exercising the functions pertaining to the office of President of the United States of America, and his removal from said office upon his conviction, in due form of law, of the high crimes and misdemeanors of which he is manifestly and notoriously guilty, and which render it unsafe longer to permit him to exercise the powers he has unlawfully assumed.
On the same day, Hon. John R. Kelso, of Missouri, offered a resolution of nearly similar tenor, which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.