We went as far as the mid-settlements, and found most of the towns much disaffected to us, and in a fluctuating situation, through the artifice of the French. In a few days we returned, but found they had blocked up all the trading paths, to prevent our traders from making their escape. Just as we descended a small mountain, and were about to ascend a very steep one, a hundred yards before us, which was the first of the Apalahche, or blue ridge of mountains, a large company of the lower town Indians started out from the sloping rocks, on the north side of the path, a little behind us. As they were naked except their breech-cloth, were painted red and black, and accoutered every way like enemies, I bid my companion leave the luggage-horses and follow me: but as he left his arms at the lower town, and was not accustomed to such surprises, it shocked him, till they ran down upon him. On this I turned back, and stood on my arms, expecting they would have fired upon us. However, they proposed some questions, which I answered, as to where we had been, and were going, and that we were not any of their traders. Had it been otherwise, the dispute would have been dangerous. We got over the mountain, and safe to Tymahse; here we rested two nights, and found the people distracted for mischief, to which the many causes before mentioned prompted them. The governor, in less than a month after this period, had the strongest confirmation of the ill intention of these savages and their allies. Many expresses with intelligence I sent, but the news was pocketed, and my services traduced—because I would not assist the prime magistrate in a bad cause, he and his humble servants depreciated the long series of public services I had faithfully performed, and called them mere accidental trifles; contrary to his former acknowledgments, both verbal and in writing. The French, however, had a different opinion of my services; they were so well acquainted with the great damages I had done to them, and feared others I might occasion, as to confine me a close prisoner for a fortnight when I went to the Alebahma-garrison, in {348} the Muskohge country. They were fully resolved to have sent me down to Mobille or New Orleans, as a capital criminal, to be hanged for having abetted the Muskohge, Chikkasah, and Choktah, to shed a torrent of their christian blood; though I had only retaliated upon them, the long train of blood they had years before wantonly spilled. They wanted to have confronted me with the French prisoners I formerly mentioned, and with the Long Lieutenant, whom we met two days before the Choktah killed one of our people below Book’pharaah, or the long swamp. I was well assured, he was to have gone down to be baptized, and so become a good West-Florida-French christian, in order to condemn me, the poor bloody heretic. I saw him, and they had by this time taught him to count beads; but I doubted not of being able to extricate myself some way or other. They appointed double centries over me, for some days before I was to be sent down in the French king’s large boat. They were strictly charged against laying down their weapons, or suffering any hostile thing to be in the place where I was kept, as they deemed me capable of any mischief. I was not indeed locked up, only at night, lest it should give umbrage to our friendly Indians, but I was to have been put in irons, as soon as the boat passed the Indian towns, that lay two miles below the fort, in the forks of the Koosah and Okwhuske rivers. About an hour before we were to set off by water, I escaped from them by land: and though they had horses near at hand, and a corrupt town of savages settled within 150 yards of the garrison, yet under those disadvantages, besides heavy rains that loosened the ground the very night before, I took through the middle of the low land covered with briers, at full speed. I heard the French clattering on horse-back along the path, a great way to my left hand, and the howling savages pursuing my tracks with careful steps, but my usual good fortune enabled me to leave them far enough behind, on a needless pursuit. As they had made my arms prisoners, I allowed them without the least regret to carry down my horses, clothes, &c. and punish them by proxy, in the manner they intended to have served the owner, for his faithful services to his country.
While Governor G— presided in South-Carolina, it was needless to apply for a payment of the large debt the government owed me: but on his being succeeded by his Excellency W. H. L. Esq; I imagined this a {349} favourable time to make my address. This worthy patriot had been well informed, by several Indian trading merchants of eminent character, of the expensive, difficult, and faithful services I had cheerfully done my country, to the amount of above one thousand pounds sterling on the public faith, and of the ungenerous returns I had received: he according to his natural kindness and humanity, promised to assist me. I then laid my case, with the well-known and important facts, before the members of the house of assembly in Charles town; and when they convened, presented a memorial to the legislative body. But several of the country representatives happened to be absent; and as the governor could not be reasonably expected in a short time, to purify the infected air which had prevailed in that house for fourteen years, a majority of the members had evidently determined not to alleviate my long complaint of grievances. To invalidate its force, they objected, that my claim was old; but did not attempt to prove the least tittle of what I exhibited to them to be false; they knew they could not. After a long and warm debate, when my secret enemies observed the clerk of the house was drawing near to the conclusion of my memorial, they seized on a couple of unfortunate monosyllables. I had said, that “the Indian Choktah had a great many fine promises;” the word fine was put to the torture, as reflecting on the very fine-promising gentleman. And in another sentence, I mentioned the time his excellency the late Governor of South-Carolina did me the honour to write me a very smooth artful letter, by virtue of which I went all the way to Charles-town, &c. The words smooth, so highly ruffled the smooth tempers of those gentlemen, that they carried a vote by a majority, and had it registered, importing, that they objected against the indelicacy, or impropriety, of the language in my memorial,[[198]] but not against the merit of its contents. The minute, I here in a more public manner record anew, to the lasting honour of the persons who promoted it. The voice of oppressed truth, and injured innocence, can never be wholly stifled. Lest my memorial should again appear at the public bar of justice, in a less infected time, it was not sent to the office; which indicates that the former art of pocketing was not yet entirely forgotten. Indeed every state suffers more or less, from some malign influence, one time or other; but I have the happiness to say that the infection was not universal. South-Carolina has always been blessed with steady patriots, even in the most corrupt times: and may she abound with firm pillars of the constitution, according to our Magna Charta Americana, as {350} in the present trying æra of blessed memory, so long as the heavenly rays shall beam upon us!
As the power and happiness of Great Britain greatly depends on the prosperity of her American colonies, and the heart-soundness of her civil and ecclesiastical rulers—and as the welfare of America hangs on the balance of a proper intercourse with their Indian neighbours, and can never be continued but by observing and inforcing on both sides, a strict adherence to treaties, supporting public faith, and allowing only a sufficient number of such faithful and capable subjects to deal with them, as may gain their affections, and prove centinels for the public security—I presume that the above relations, and observations, instead of being thought to be foreign, will be deemed essential to an history of the Indians. The remarks may be conducive also to the public welfare. Ignorance, or self-interest, has hitherto wrongly informed the community of the true situation of our Indian affairs westward. {351}
ACCOUNT
OF THE
CHIKKASAH NATION.
The Chikkasah country lies in about 35 Deg. N. L. at the distance of 160 miles from the eastern side of the Missisippi; 160 miles to the N. of the Choktah, according to the course of the trading path; about half way from Mobille, to the Illinois, from S. to N; to the W. N. W. of the Muskohge (Creeks) about 300 computed miles, and a very mountainous winding path; from the Cheerake nearly W. about 540 miles; the late Fort-Loudon is by water 500 miles to the Chikkasah landing place, but only 95 computed miles by land.[[199]]
The Chikkasah[[200]] are now settled between the heads of two of the most western branches of Mobille-river; and within twelve miles of the eastern main source of Tahre Hache, which lower down is called Chokchooma-river, as that nation made their first settlements there, after they came on the other side of the Missisippi. Where it empties into this, they call it Yahshoo-river. Their tradition says they had ten thousand men fit for war, when they first came from the west, and this account seems very probable; as they, and the Choktah, and also the Chokchooma, who in process of time were forced by war to settle between the two former nations, came together from the west as one family.[[201]] The Chikkasah in the year 1720, had four large contiguous settlements, which lay nearly in the form of three parts of a square, only that the eastern side was five miles shorter than the western, with the open part toward the Choktah. One was called Yaneka, about a mile wide, and six miles long, at the distance of twelve {352} miles from their present towns. Another was ten computed miles long, at the like distance from their present settlements, and from one to two miles broad. The towns were called Shatara, Chookheereso, Hykehah, Tuskawillao, and Phalacheho. The other square was single, began three miles from their present place of residence, and ran four miles in length, and one mile in breadth. This was called Chookka Pharáah, or “the long house.” It was more populous than their whole nation contains at present. The remains of this once formidable people make up the northern angle of that broken square. They now scarcely consist of four hundred and fifty warriors, and are settled three miles westward from the deep creek, in a clear tract of rich land, about three miles square running afterward about five miles toward the N. W. where the old fields are usually a mile broad. The superior number of their enemies forced them to take into this narrow circle, for social defence; and to build their towns, on commanding ground, at such a convenient distance from one another, as to have their enemies, when attacked, between two fires.[[202]]
Some of the old Nahchee Indians[[203]] who formerly lived on the Missisippi, two hundred miles west of the Choktah, told me the French demanded from every one of their warriors a drest buck-skin, without any value for it, i. e. they taxed them; but that the warriors hearts grew very cross, and loved the deer-skins. According to the French accounts of the Missisippi-Indians, this seems to have been in the year 1729. As those Indians were of a peaceable and kindly disposition, numerous and warlike, and always kept a friendly intercourse with the Chikkasah, who never had any good-will to the French; these soon understood their heart-burnings, and by the advice of the old English traders, carried them white pipes and tobacco in their own name and that of South-Carolina,—persuading them with earnestness and policy to cut off the French, as they were resolved to inslave them in their own beloved land. The Chikkasah succeeded in their embassy. But as the Indians are slow in their councils on things of great importance, though equally close and intent, it was the following year before they could put their grand scheme in execution. Some of their head-men indeed opposed the plan, yet they never discovered it. But when these went a hunting in the woods, the embers burst into a raging flame. They attacked the French, who were flourishing away in the greatest security; and, as was affirmed, they entirely cut off the garrison, and neighbouring settlements, {353} consisting of fifteen hundred men, women, and children—the misconduct of a few indiscreet persons, occasioned so great a number of innocent lives to be thus cut off.
The Nahchee afterwards built and settled a strong stockade fort, westward of their old fields, near a lake that communicates with Bayouk Dargent; but the ensuing summer, near 2000 French regulars and provincials, besides a great body of the Choktah and other savages invested it. The besieged sallied on them, with the utmost fury, killed a considerable number, and in all probability, would have totally destroyed the white soldiery, but for the sharp opposition of the Choktah in their own method of fighting. The Nahchee were at length repulsed, and bombarded with three mortars, which forced them to fly off different ways. The soldiers were too slow footed to pursue; but the Choktah, and other red allies, captivated a great number of them, and carried them to New Orleans, where several were burned, and the rest sent as slaves to the West India Islands: the greater part however went to the Chikkasah, where they were secured from the power of their French enemies. The French demanded them, but being absolutely refused, unluckily for many thousands of them, they formally declared war against the Chikkasah. In the open fields the Chikkasah bravely withstood, and repelled the greatest combined armies they were able to bring against them, north and south, and gave them and their swarms of red allies several notable defeats.[[204]]