I. IMPEACHMENT.
Article II, Section 4. The President, Vice-President and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.
Article I, Section 2, Clause 5. The House of Representatives shall ... have the sole power of impeachment.
Section 3, Clause 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present.
Section 3, Clause 7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment according to law.
There have been but seven impeachment trials in the history of our government. Section 4 of Article II declares who may be impeached. The expression "civil officer" does not include military and naval officers. They are subject to trial by court-martial. Members of Congress may not be impeached, since the Constitution authorizes each house to bring to trial and punish its own members. Clause 5 of Section 2, and Clauses 6 and 7 of Section 3, Article I, give the method of procedure against an officer who may be charged with "treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors." The articles of impeachment preferred by the House of Representatives correspond to the indictment in a criminal trial. The manner of conducting an impeachment trial, in the Senate, resembles also a trial by jury.[[19]] That the "Chief Justice shall preside" during the trial of the President of the United States is a wise provision, because it is easy to presume that a Vice-President might be personally interested in the conviction of a President.
II. THE QUORUM, JOURNAL, AND FREEDOM OF SPEECH.
Determination of Membership and Quorums.—Section 5, Clause 1. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each house may provide.
In 1900 the right of a senator to a seat in the Senate was challenged by the citizens of his State on the ground that his election was secured through bribery and corruption. In a memorial of the citizens forwarded by the governor, the matter formally came before the Senate. The case was referred to the Committee on Privileges and Elections, which unanimously reported, after careful deliberation, that the senator was not duly and legally elected by the legislature of his State. The committee found that he had obtained through illegal and corrupt practices more than eight votes which would otherwise have been cast against him and changed the result. Before a vote was taken in the Senate on this resolution the senator resigned his seat.
In the House the name of the person possessing the certificate of election signed by the governor of his State is entered on the roll of the House, but the seat may still be contested. Many cases of contested elections are considered by each new House. There were thirty-two seats contested in the 54th Congress. Such cases are referred to the Committee on Elections, which hears the testimony, and presents it to the House for final decision. Each of the cases when presented to the House consumes from two to five days which might otherwise be used for the purposes of legislation. The law provides that no more than $2000 shall be paid either of the contestants for expenses, but even then, it is estimated, these contests cost the government, all told, $40,000 annually. When the decision is rendered by the House, the vote is, in most cases, strictly on party lines, regardless of the testimony. In view of these facts, it has been suggested that the Supreme Court decide all contested elections.