The New York Times was sufficiently unfamiliar with the term "public domain" that it was not entirely sure whether or not to use the definite article in front of it. But unfamiliarity did not imply complacency. An editorial declared that this decision "makes it likely that we are seeing the beginning of the end of public domain and the birth of copyright perpetuity. Public domain has been a grand experiment, one that should not be allowed to die. The ability to draw freely on the entire creative output of humanity is one of the reasons we live in a time of such fruitful creative ferment."22 The Washington Post, though more inclined to agree that retrospective extension might be constitutional, declared the copyright system to be "broken" in that it "effectively and perpetually protects nearly all material that anyone would want to cite or use. That's not what the framers envisioned, and it's not in the public interest."23 64
I could not agree more. But as I have tried to show here, the process is not limited to copyright, or culture, or texts, or the United States. Think of the stories about business method patents, or synthetic biology, or the regulation of musical borrowing on the atomic level. Think of the discussion of the openness aversion that began this chapter. In the middle of the most successful and exciting experiment in nonproprietary, distributed creativity in the history of the species, our policy makers can see only the threat from "piracy." They act accordingly. Our second enclosure movement is well under way. The poem with which I began Chapter 3 told us: "And geese will still a common lack / Till they go and steal it back." I cannot match the terseness or the rhyme, but if we assume that the enclosure of the commons of the mind will bring us prosperity, great science, and vibrant culture, well, we will look like very silly geese indeed.
NOTES
Notes: Chapter 1
1. As the suggested further reading indicates, this light- hearted account of the economic basis of intellectual property conceals considerable complexity. On the other hand, the core argument is presented here—and a compelling argument it is.
2. See Jack Hirshleifer, "The Private and Social Value of Information and the Reward to Inventive Activity," American Economic Review 61 (1971): 561-574.
3. Unfortunately, the reality turns out to be less rosy. James Bessen, "Patents and the Diffusion of Technical Information," Economics Letters 86 (2005): 122: "[S]urvey evidence suggests that firms do not place much value on the disclosed information. Moreover, those firms that do read patents do not use them primarily as a source of information on technology. Instead, they use them for other purposes, such as keeping track of competitors or checking for infringement. There are, in fact, sound theoretical reasons why the disclosed information may not be very valuable. [Fritz] Machlup and [Edith] Penrose report that the argument about diffusion is an old one, popular since the mid-19th century. They also point out that, at least through the 1950s, economists have been skeptical about this argument. The problem, also recognized in the mid-19th century, is that 'only unconcealable inventions are patented,' so patents reveal little that could not be otherwise learned. On the other hand, 'concealable inventions remain concealed.' " [Citations omitted.]
4. Felix S. Cohen, "Transcendental Nonsense and the Functional Approach," Columbia Law Review 35 (1935): 817.
5. For contrasting views of the sequence of events, see John
Feather, "Publishers and Politicians: The Remaking of the Law of
Copyright in Britain 1775-1842," pt. 2, "The Rights of Authors,"
Publishing History 25 (1989): 45-72; Mark Rose, Authors and
Owners: The Invention of Copyright (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1993).
6. Tim O'Reilly points out that there are 32 million titles in the Online Computer Library Center's "WorldCat" catalogue—this is a reasonable proxy for the number of books in U.S. libraries. Nielsen's Bookscan shows that 1.2 million books sold at least one copy in 2005. This yields a ratio of books commercially available to books ever published of about 4 percent. But of those 1.2 million books, many are in the public domain—think of Shakespeare, Dickens, Austen, Melville, Kipling. Thus the percentage of books that are under copyright and commercially available may actually be considerably lower than 4 percent. See http://radar.oreilly.com/archives/2005/11/oops_only_4_of_titles_ are_bein.html. For a lucid account of the statistics in the context of the Google Book Search Project, see http://lessig.org/blog/2006/01/google_book_search_the_argumen.ht ml.