When Marshall went to France as envoy in 1797, he wrote several long and interesting letters to Washington, acquainting him with whatever foreign intelligence might interest him.[41] The following passages from the first letter, a very long one, will show the interest of these papers, and the exactness of the information they convey:—
“The Hague, 15th Sept., 1797.
“Dear Sir,—The flattering evidences I have received of your favorable opinion, which have made on my mind an impression only to wear out with my being, added to a conviction that you must feel a deep interest in all that concerns a country to whose service you have devoted so large a portion of your life, induce me to offer you such occasional communications as, while in Europe, I may be enabled to make, and induce a hope that the offer will not be deemed an unacceptable or unwelcome intrusion.
“Until our arrival in Holland we saw only British and neutral vessels. This added to the blockade of the Dutch fleet in the Texel, of the French fleet in Brest, and of the Spanish fleet in Cadiz, manifests the entire dominion which one nation at present possesses over the seas. By the ships of war which met us we were three times visited, and the conduct of those who came on board was such as would proceed from general orders to pursue a system calculated to conciliate America. Whether this be occasioned by a sense of justice and the obligations of good faith, or solely by the hope that the perfect contrast which it exhibits to the conduct of France may excite keener sensations at that conduct, its effects on our commerce are the same.
“The situation of Holland is truly interesting. Though the face of the country still exhibits a degree of wealth and population still unequaled in any part of Europe, its decline is visible. The great city of Amsterdam is in a state of blockade. More than two thirds of its shipping lie unemployed in port. Other seaports suffer, though not in so great a degree. In the mean time the requisitions made upon them are enormous. They have just completed the payment of the 100,000,000 of florins (equal to 40,000,000 of dollars) stipulated by treaty; they have sunk, on the first entrance of the French, a very considerable sum in assignats; they made large contributions in specifics, and they pay, feed, and clothe an army estimated, as I am informed, at near three times its real number. It is supposed that France has by various means drawn from Holland about 60,000,000 of dollars. This has been paid, in addition to the natural expenditures, by a population of less than 2,000,000. Nor, should the war continue, can the contributions of Holland stop here. The increasing exigencies of France must inevitably increase her demands on those within her reach.
. . . . . . .
“The political opinions which have produced the rejection of the Constitution, and which, as it would seem, can only be entertained by intemperate and ill-informed minds, unaccustomed to a union of theory and practice of liberty, must be associated with a general system which if brought into action will produce the same excesses here which have been so justly deplored in France. The same materials exist, though not in so great a degree. They have their clubs, they have a numerous poor, and they have enormous wealth in the hands of a minority of the nation. On my remarking this to a very rich and intelligent merchant of Amsterdam, and observing that if one class of men withdrew itself from public duties and offices it would be immediately succeeded by another, which would acquire a degree of power and influence that might be exercised to the destruction of those who had retired from society, he replied that the remark was just, but that they relied on France for a protection from those evils which she had herself experienced. That France would continue to require great supplies from Holland, and knew its situation too well to permit it to become the prey of anarchy. That Holland was an artificial country acquired by persevering industry, and which could only be preserved by wealth and order. That confusion and anarchy would banish a large portion of that wealth, would dry up its sources, and would entirely disable them from giving France that pecuniary aid she so much needed. That under this impression many who, though friendly to the revolution, saw with infinite mortification French troops garrison the towns of Holland, would now see their departure with equal regret. Thus they willingly relinquished national independence for individual safety. What a lesson to those who would admit foreign influence into the United States!”…
The condition of affairs in Paris at that time is illustrated by the fact that Marshall’s later letters, written from there, were not signed; and that they allude to the action of himself and his associates in the third person. Thus, writing from Paris, October 24, 1797, in the character of an anonymous private American to an unnamed correspondent, he says:—
“Causes which I am persuaded you have anticipated forbid me to allow that free range of thought and expression which could alone apologize for the intrusive character my letters bear. Having, however, offered what I cannot furnish, I go on to substitute something else perhaps not worth receiving.…
“Our ministers have not yet, nor do they seem to think it certain that they will be received. Indeed they make arrangements which denote an expectation of returning to America immediately. The captures of our vessels seem to be only limited by the ability to capture. That ability is increasing, as the government has let out to hardy adventurers the national frigates. Among those who plunder us, who are most active in this infamous business, and most loud in vociferating criminations equally absurd and untrue, are some unprincipled apostates who were born in America. The sea rovers by a variety of means seem to have acquired great influence in the government. This influence will be exerted to prevent an accommodation between the United States and France, and to prevent any regulations which may intercept the passage of the spoils they have made on our commerce, to their pockets. The government, I believe, is but too well disposed to promote their views.”