Sabbath Defence Tactics: a manual

by James Bridges

3. In the same way, the little band must meet before the hour of the company meeting, and join in prayer. The Edinburgh and Glasgow handful never appeared in the Queen Street Chambers without having previously in the Bath Hotel, or other rendezvous, prostrated themselves before Almighty God, in earnest seeking of his guidance. And then, come weal or come woe, every thing came right. This previous meeting is useful for other than the business of prayer. Here it is right to arrange the order of battle for the day. The parties to move and second, for instance, must here be fixed, as well as the skirmishers who are to be ready to support them. The motion to be made must also be determined on.

4. On this subject, it may, after all experience, be stated that the best motion to make is, “That no systematic traffic be carried on on the Lord’s-day.” This form of words excludes the obnoxious thing, meets the commandment, and leaves an opening for all needful arrangements for “necessity and mercy” cases—a class multiplied and magnified to worldly vision, but scarce known in fact and truth.

III. Mode of Action at the Meetings.

1. On this subject, it is of great consequence for the party to be well versed in the forms of conducting the business of a public meeting. These, in general, are borrowed from the admirable, and most just, and time-saving forms of the House of Commons, more or less acknowledged, and, it may be added, increasingly adopted at all public meetings in this country. The genius and principle of these forms is, and the duty of a faithful chairman ever is, the protection of the minority. A majority is always safe, and can protect itself. But the form of business throws a shield over the minority by securing a hearing, or a standing at least, for all, in spite of clamour and violence. It is to be remembered that on every new question there is a right to speak once; and it is advisable that no friend should attempt to speak more than once. He can thereby better challenge the like liberty when taken by the obstreperous opponents. He may indeed “explain;” but a good chairman will rigidly enforce the rule against multiplied speeches. Where, indeed, a gentleman says merely, “I second the motion,” he is not thereby exposed on rising afterwards to the “Spoke, spoke,” which ordinarily shuts mouths; on the contrary, he is understood as having reserved his fire for an adversary, and must have his full swing. But the great protection is, the right of moving an amendment to any effect, and upon any motion; and, an amendment moved and seconded, the chairman must allow to be debated and put. Where two or more amendments are moved, the two last are put against each other till the ground be cleared of all but the original motion and amendment, which are then voted. This is not quite the House of Commons’ amendment system; but it is a very good one, well adapted to Scotch ideas. The mover, it will be kept in view, has always a right of reply; and this suggests the practical remark, that the party, having chosen a leader, should always stick by him; for much depends on his judgment and tact as to the time to speak or to be silent, the time to ask for more or to ask for less, as the tide ebbs or flows, and so forth.

2. Where the business of the meeting is conducted with fairness, it is advisable to allow the directors’ report to be discussed and disposed of, and to leave the secular business proper to be settled before the Sabbath motion—which is the secular-sacred—be tabled. But where there are symptoms of unfairness, and of a disposition to suppress the discussion, then the safe course is to move an amendment on the motion for approval of the report, to the effect that it be disallowed in so far as it sanctions Sabbath traffic. A strictly courteous mover and seconder cannot be overborne, even where there is force and unfairness. A protest tabled with the clerk, or, if rejected by him, taken (as once the Friends were driven to) in the hands of a notary-public, will put all right.

3. One thing to be added is, that the Sabbath party ought to make a point at all meetings of dividing. Generally the personal attendance of friends is greater than their proxy strength; and it is very encouraging to the friends to know one another by face. On the contrary, there are not a few of the opponents who feel themselves somewhat in an awkward predicament—professors not quite relishing the exhibition of themselves as enemies of the Sabbath; and who knows but that, where this feeling is found, it is symptomatic of incipient change? At any rate, the division brings all the real friends into prominent action; and so, their names being dotted down at the time by the whipper-in, they may be summoned henceforth to the private meetings, and become doubly efficient; as much more so than before, as a party of drilled soldiers are than an awkward squad of recruits.

4. And this leads us to say, that all friends should, where possible, attend in person, instead of resting at home and flying their mere proxy into the field. The moral influence of the living man is great. It ought always, besides, to be remembered, that where directors fight within a wall of majorities, personal and proxy-form, the defenders of the faith are exposed to an overbearing pressure, which is to be met with a serried strength on their side. Their great point is, to be heard, that they may speak the words of truth in the ears of the company and of the country. But this the adversary instinctively hates; and this, therefore, he shifts where he can. But where the Sabbath phalanx is not only compact but strong, it makes itself to be respected and heard. Therefore the friends are exhorted to come to the meetings.

5. We add a word on the subject of the proxy system at large, which gives an unlimited preponderance to wealth over number. Bad as this is, it would be tolerable if wealth must always hear before it strikes. But the proxy system acts without hearing. Directors spending the monies of companies in providing themselves with proxies, establish for themselves a sort of despotic power, which, even after an argument that would have reached the conscience of wealth itself had it been there to listen, declares its pre-determination, and proceeds in its reckless course, regardless of reasons. This is a system which ought to be stopped by act of parliament. The power of granting proxies should be taken away; and then the truth on every question, secular as well as sacred, would have fair play. For the wholesome effect would not be limited to the Sabbath question. There are many things coming home to worldly business and bosoms which the ventilation of personal attendance would greatly tend to rectify.

6. The Sabbath party had better not generally incur the expense of proxies; they should merely ask individual proprietors to send them in extraordinary cases. Their best general policy is, to request friendly shareholders, prevented by necessary causes from giving personal attendance, to address letters to the leader expressive of their adherence to the cause, and adding the number of shares held by them. These the leader will put in by way of exordium to his speech, naming a few of the more influential and conspicuous.

7. It is necessary to add, that the debate having proceeded, and the motion being disposed of—it may for the present be assumed unfavourably—the leader then publicly intimates that he will renew it at the next ordinary meeting. It will be right for him to see that this notice is minuted, for thereby it enters the advertisement of the following meeting. He must, at the same time, give a public notice on the adjournment, that there will be a meeting of the friends at a place and hour to be then named; for in addition to the preparatory meeting, before the assembling of the shareholders, already adverted to, it is always good to hold another after their adjournment; first, for the purpose of unitedly rendering thanks to Almighty God for what may have taken place, confessing the sin that may have mingled itself, and asking strength and counsel for the future; and secondly, for the purpose of arranging the course of policy for the ensuing six months.