An intelligent writer observes, that the French campaigns of 1792, 93 and 94 astonished military Europe. At first the French armies had neither discipline, nor order, and but little instruction. The regiments were without organization. National intelligence put in motion by exalted feeling, for the moment did every thing. The conscription had brought more knowledge into a single French regiment, than there was to be found in a whole enemy's division. This was certainly the case, but I am very far from wishing to establish a conscription in Great Britain like what exists in France; but the times, we may depend upon it, will compel us, and that too before long, to think of getting, with greater facility, another description of men into our armies; if it were only to enable us to meet our enemies in the field on fair terms; and I would, therefore, at once beg to propose to overturn entirely the present system of enlistment for regiments of Dragoons, Artillery, the Line, and the Marines; and in its stead, a plan could be introduced for calling forth those warlike energies of the people of Great Britain and Ireland, which they so eminently possess; but for safety to our liberties, which we ought ever carefully to cherish, I would still keep the powerful means I have in view, under the control of Parliament both as to men and money.
Suppose a law were enacted, extending and improving our militia system, and permanently establishing amongst our millions of people, two descriptions of soldiers; in place of our present inefficient mode of calling out that force for service in Great Britain and Ireland only; and exempting clergymen, all seamen serving, or who may have served in our navy, or such as have been duly apprenticed to our merchant service; and certain individuals employed in the Civil departments of the state, every man, no matter how high or low his rank in life may be, should be made liable to be called upon to serve his country as a soldier, but by Act of Parliament only; and for this purpose, all those at a certain time of life should be required to have, under a heavy penalty, and according to their means, or at the risk of imprisonment, or treatment as vagrants, known places of abode, or belong to a parish or district where they could be found or heard of; for my object is, that the wealthy, who for their own gratifications might think fit to reside abroad, may not be able to evade the law.
From the effective part of our male population, between the ages of seventeen and thirty-five, I would propose to call out once each year, (or oftener when necessary) by lot or ballot, and according to registers to be publicly and fairly kept, so that every individual coming under the act, could be aware that he might expect to be drawn for, a certain number of healthy men, about a fixed height—say 5 feet 5½ inches—to constitute or keep up the first, or regular army of Great Britain and Ireland, liable to serve in any part of the world, for ten years only, when, having so served, they must be discharged, whether at home or abroad, unless their characters are so good, as to render it desireable that they should be kept longer in the service, and should it be also their own wish to remain in it. If they are kept, it ought to be for five years more. At the end of that second period, they must, if they desire it, be discharged; but they should then, if their conduct has continued good, be entitled to receive a pension for life of nine-pence a day, and also to a medal of superior merit, and they ought now to get both, whether they are to be again kept in the service or not. If it is still desirable that they should remain in it, and that they are also willing to do so, it must be for another or third period of five years; at the end of which—that is to say 20 years—if they have maintained the respectability of their characters, they should receive, on now retiring from the service, an additional three-pence per diem, making in all the full pension of one shilling a day for life, together with what should be termed the grand medal. If non-commissioned officers, they of course should get a superior description of medals and higher rates of pensions, whether corporals, serjeants, or staff-serjeants. But all discharges—and I consider this of vast importance—ought to set forth distinctly their characters as soldiers, whether good, indifferent, or bad, and should invariably be delivered to them publicly, in presence of, at least, one magistrate and a clergyman of the city, town, or parish to which they formerly belonged, when they could not again be called upon to serve as soldiers.
If the character of the men who have served for ten years only, show that they have been brave, honest and regular during that period, they should also receive publicly a medal of merit, and thus become entitled, along with those who have served longer, and have received pensions, to the privileges of freemen in the cities, towns, and parishes, to which they originally belonged. They should also, together with other advantages, have a right to vote at all elections of Members to serve in Parliament, and likewise at the appointment of persons to the corporate bodies, and should be themselves eligible to fill situations in or under such bodies, in the cities, towns, or parishes, to which they belonged. If their conduct as soldiers had been bad or disreputable, all these advantages should be withheld from them. Some of them, according to character, ought to be sent off without remark upon their conduct, but others, if they deserved it, should have the words "Disgraced Soldier," stamped in large letters, by their commanding officer's orders, upon their discharges; and thus soldiers would be deterred from disgracing, not only their regiments, but also their families, to whom they would know, that when they were to be discharged, they would always, and under all circumstances, be sent back.
It being most desirable towards attaining the object I have in view, that no soldier should be permitted to remain in the army, whose habits would bring disgrace upon the corps to which he might be attached; when it was therefore found, that a soldier had committed a serious crime, or that his conduct had become bad or disgraceful, he should either be handed over to the civil power, or brought to trial before a Court-martial, which should have the power, besides transporting him as a felon, or making him serve as a soldier for life in any part of the world, to sentence him to be turned out of the regiment, with every mark of infamy, and to be sent back, under escort, to the place from whence he came, to be there discharged, in the manner already pointed out, and also imprisoned, if thought necessary for the sake of example, in the common jail, for any period not exceeding two years. If this system is ever established, merit will be distinguished and rewarded, and bad conduct publicly stigmatized or punished.
As the regular army should at all times be complete in numbers, and efficient in every respect; when vacancies occurred in corps, they should be supplied yearly, from the city, town, or rather district, from which the several regiments would be kept up. Great Britain and Ireland would, therefore, if this plan is carried into effect, have to be divided into districts; but for this purpose, counties and cities would nearly answer, and each district being required to furnish men for a particular regiment of cavalry (and this should be an agricultural one), or of artillery, infantry of the line, or of marines; the cavalry or infantry regiments should take the name of that district, as well as retain its own particular number, together with such designations, badges, or honorary distinctions, to which it may be at present entitled.
The second army, to be officered as our present militia, and to be embodied upon the same system, and managed and disciplined as the first, and styled either Militia, or the Army of Reserve, could be called out to serve in Great Britain or Ireland only, when the country, either from being at war, or in case of commotions, might require its services; or should it be deemed necessary, that this force be embodied for a fixed time.
The men for the Reserve might be taken at a lower height, and from the age of sixteen to forty-five; but serving in the Reserve should not exempt individuals from taking their turn if drawn in the mean time for the First or Regular Army. When the Reserve, or a part of it is embodied, a few officers and non-commissioned officers (receiving additional pay when so employed), should be taken for a short time from the Regular Regiments, to assist in the formation and drilling of the corps; but any permanent staff for this purpose must be found not only useless, but expensive. A Quarter-master alone could be required to take charge of stores of any kind belonging to the battalion when embodied.
Any man, who by ballot, becomes liable to serve in the First or Regular Army, must do so, or find within a given time, and at his own expense, a proper substitute of good character, or else pay down the sum of, say fifty pounds, for exemption: and finding a substitute or paying the stipulated sum, ought to exempt the person for the future from serving; but any individual who may have joined the corps for which he has been drawn, ought not afterwards to be discharged, but by the authority of the Commander-in-Chief.
Finding a proper substitute of good character, or paying down say—twenty pounds, under the same rules as those established for the regular army, should entitle individuals to exemption from serving in the army of reserve. And it might fully be expected, that the reserve regiments, under officers so patriotic and zealous as those of our militia always were, would soon become like battalions of the line, and so highly disciplined as quite to equal them, as was the case with many of our militia corps last war. I am, therefore, decidedly of opinion, that it would never again be necessary to add second battalions to regiments of the regular army, nor to raise at great expense fencible corps. The plan of second battalions was in general found to be even as objectionable as our present inefficient depot system, for it too often afforded only very inferior supplies to first battalions, of half disciplined soldiers.