[*245] The account of Paris de Granis (given by Creighton, op. cit., vol. V., pp. 305-19) somewhat differs from that given here.

[246] Several letters, quoted by Sanuto, MS. Diary, XII., 158-161, say the 23rd, being Saturday; but Saturday fell on the 24th. See Filippo Giraldi, Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 3153, f. 90.

[247] We obtain a curious glimpse of his home-circle at this critical moment from the correspondence of Bembo, who, having just quitted Urbino on his way to Venice, wrote thus to Fregoso from Cesena, where he was waiting a passage by sea. "But what, I say, are you and your ladies, and the Duke, and the rest of you grandees about? What is my Ippolita doing? Is she entangled in the toils of Secundio or Trivulzio? Oh dull and drivelling me, who, abandoning my loves to the rapine and plunder of men of war, am here sitting on a sandy shore more pluckless and besotted than the very shells! Many salutations in my name to both their Highnesses, and to Emilia, and the lively Margherita, and to Ippolita of many admirers, and to my rival Alessandro Trivulzio." This badinage was surely ill-timed, within a month of the defeat of Francesco Maria and the Cardinal's assassination.

[*248] The battle of Ravenna is fully described by Guicciardini, Opere Inedite (Firenze, 1857), vol. VI., p. 36 et seq., in letters from his father and brother. The French had everything in their hands, the route was complete. They should have pressed on to Rome and Naples, and have reduced the Pope to terms and annihilated the Spanish power in Italy. But Gaston was in his grave. Cf. Creighton, op. cit., vol. V., p. 168.

[249] Giraldi Dialogo, Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 3153.

[250] The preceding account of the judicial process, and of the Duke's conduct in regard to the campaign of Ravenna, has been chiefly taken from Baldi, as his narrative is more intelligible and consistent with the best historical authorities, than the indistinct and garbled statements of Leoni and Riposati, who gloss over such facts as they cannot satisfactorily clear up. Guicciardini asserts that Francesco Maria set his peasantry upon the troops of Cardona as they fled through the duchy from the rout of Ravenna, a statement more reconcileable with that author's prejudice than with probability. The legal evidence of both the Duke's absolutions will be found in [No. V. of the Appendix], and Giraldi is our authority for some minor details. We have purposely avoided mixing up with this personal narrative the more general events of the French war. They are succinctly given by Roscoe, Leo X., ch. viii. and ix.

[251] Yet Julius was reported to have left in St. Angelo, 400,000 ducats of gold, besides jewels, and no state debts. Vat. Urb. MSS., No. 1023, f. 297.

[*252] This is rather vague. We are not told what Francesco Maria did that justifies Dennistoun in saying that the election of Leo X. was his act. I can find no evidence of Francesco Maria's personal influence in the conclave. If the election of Leo was an arrangement, it was Cardinal Riario to whom it was due. The charge of ingratitude therefore falls to the ground.

[253] To inaugurate the new pontificate, and mark the contrast of Alexander and Julius with their successor,—its Maecenas, Agostino Chigi, erected a triumphal arch, inscribed,—

"Olim habuit Cypris sua tempora; tempora Mavors
Olim habuit; sua nunc tempora Pallas habet."
Venus here reigned supreme, by Mars displaced;
Our happier age by Pallas' sway is graced.