[104] Birkbeck Hill’s ed., 127.
[105] p. 235.
[106] Smith’s ed., I, vii.
[107] Autobiography, 343, 346.
[p141]
SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER
A paper read before the Massachusetts Historical Society at the March meeting of 1902, and printed in the Atlantic Monthly, May, 1902.
[p143]
SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER
It is my purpose to say a word of Samuel Rawson Gardiner, the English historian, who died February 23, 1902, and who in his research and manner of statement represents fitly the scientific school of historical writers. He was thorough in his investigation, sparing neither labor nor pains to get at the truth. It may well enough be true that the designedly untruthful historian, like the undevout astronomer, is an anomaly, for inaccuracy comes not from purpose, but from neglect. Now Gardiner went to the bottom of things, and was not satisfied until he had compassed all the material within his reach. As a matter of course he read many languages. Whether his facts were in Spanish, Italian, French, German, Dutch, Swedish, or English made apparently no difference. Nor did he stop at what was in plain language. He read a diary written chiefly in symbols, and many letters in cipher. A large part of his material was in manuscript, which entailed greater labor than if it had been in print. As one reads the prefaces to his various volumes and his footnotes, amazement is the word to express the feeling that a man could have accomplished so much in forty-seven years. One feels that there is no one-sided use of any material. The Spanish, the Venetian, the French, the Dutch nowhere displaces the English. In Froude’s Elizabeth one gets the impression that the Simancas manuscripts furnish a disproportionate basis of the narrative; in Ranke’s England, that the story is made up too much from the Venetian archives. Gardiner himself copied many Simancas manuscripts in Spain, and he studied [p144] the archives in Venice, Paris, Brussels, and Rome, but these, and all the other great mass of foreign material, are kept adjunctive to that found in his own land. My impression from a study of his volumes is that more than half of his material is in manuscript, but because he has matter which no one else had ever used, he does not neglect the printed pages open to every one. To form “a judgment on the character and aims of Cromwell,” he writes, “it is absolutely necessary to take Carlyle’s monumental work as a starting point;”[1] yet, distrusting Carlyle’s printed transcripts, he goes back to the original speeches and letters themselves. Carlyle, he says, “amends the text without warning” in many places; these emendations Gardiner corrects, and out of the abundance of his learning he stops a moment to show how Carlyle has misled the learned Dr. Murray in attributing to Cromwell the use of the word “communicative” in its modern meaning, when it was on the contrary employed in what is now an obsolete sense.[2]
Gardiner’s great work is the History of England from 1603 to 1656. In the revised editions there are ten volumes called the “History of England, from the Accession of James I to the Outbreak of the Civil War,” and four volumes on the Great Civil War. Since this revision he has published three volumes on the History of the Commonwealth and the Protectorate. He was also the author of a number of smaller volumes, a contributor to the Encyclopædia Britannica and the Dictionary of National Biography, and for ten years editor-in-chief of the English Historical Review.
I know not which is the more remarkable, the learning, accuracy, and diligence of the man, or withal his modesty. [p145] With his great store of knowledge, the very truthfulness of his soul impels him to be forward in admitting his own mistakes. Lowell said in 1878 that Darwin was “almost the only perfectly disinterested lover of truth” he had ever encountered. Had Lowell known the historian as we know him, he would have placed Gardiner upon the same elevation. In the preface to the revised ten-volume edition he alludes to the “defects” of his work. “Much material,” he wrote, “has accumulated since the early volumes were published, and my own point of view is not quite the same as it was when I started with the first years of James I.”[3] The most important contribution to this portion of his period had been Spedding’s edition of Bacon’s Letters and Life. In a note to page 208 of his second volume he tells how Spedding’s arguments have caused him to modify some of his statements, although the two regard the history of the seventeenth century differently. Writing this soon after the death of Spedding, to which he refers as “the loss of one whose mind was so acute and whose nature was so patient and kindly,” he adds, “It was a true pleasure to have one’s statements and arguments exposed to the testing fire of his hostile criticism.” Having pointed out later some inaccuracies in the work of Professor Masson, he accuses himself. “I have little doubt,” he writes, “that if my work were subjected to as careful a revision, it would yield a far greater crop of errors.”[4]