[549]. See above, vol. i. p. 18.

[550]. See above, pp. [130] sqq.

[551]. The first, I believe, to point out a parallelism in detail between Rome and Aricia was Mr. A. B. Cook (Classical Review, xvii. (1902) pp. 376 sqq.); but from the similarity he inferred the humanity of the Arician priests rather than the divinity of the Roman kings. A fuller consideration of all the evidence has since led him, rightly as I conceive, to reverse the inference. See his articles “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” The Classical Review, xviii. (1904) pp. 360-375; “The European Sky-God,” Folk-lore, xvi. (1905) pp. 260-332. In the first and second editions of this work I had suggested that the regifugium at Rome may have been a relic of a rule of succession to the throne like that which obtained at Nemi. The following discussion of the religious position of the old Latin kings owes much to Mr. Cook’s sagacity and learning, of which he freely imparted to me.

[552]. Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. iii. 61 sq., iv. 74, v. 35; B. G. Niebuhr, History of Rome, ii. 36; Th. Mommsen, History of Rome, New Edition (London, 1894), i. 83; A. J. H. Greenidge, Roman Public Life (London, 1901), pp. 44 sq. But Mommsen, while he held that the costume of a Roman god and of the Roman king was the same, denied that the king personated the god. A truer historical insight is displayed by K. O. Müller in his treatment of the subject (Die Etrusker, Stuttgart, 1877, i. 348 sq.). For a discussion of the evidence see Th. Mommsen, Römisches Staatsrecht, 3rd Ed., i. 372 sq., ii. 5 sq.; J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, ii. 566 sq., iii. 2nd Ed., 507 sq.; id., Privatleben der Römer, 2nd Ed., 542 sq.; K. O. Müller, op. cit. i. 344-350, ii. 198-200; Aust, s.v. “Juppiter,” in W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon der griech. u. röm. Mythologie, ii. coll. 633, 725-728. Among the chief passages of ancient authors on the subject are Dionysius Halicarnasensis, ll.cc.; Strabo, v. 2. 2, p. 220; Diodorus Siculus, v. 40; Appian, Pun. 66; Zonaras, Annal. vii. 8 and 21; Livy, i. 8. 1 sq., v. 23. 4 sq., v. 41. 2, x. 7. 9 sq.; Florus, i. 5. 6; Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 195, xv. 127, 130, 137, xxxiii. 11. 111 sq.; Juvenal, x. 36-43; Ovid, Ex Ponto, ii. 57 sq.; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 6. 7-9; Servius on Virgil, Ecl. vi. 22, x. 27; Ael. Lampridius, Alexander Severus, 40. 8; Jul. Capitolinus, Gordiani tres, 4. 4; Aulus Gellius, v. 6. 5-7; Tertullian, De corona militis, 13. The fullest descriptions of a Roman triumph are those of Appian and Zonaras (vii. 21).

[553]. Camillus triumphed in a chariot drawn by white horses like the sacred white horses of Jupiter and the Sun. His Republican contemporaries were offended at what they regarded as a too close imitation of the gods (Livy, v. 23. 5 sq.; Plutarch, Camillus, 7; Dio Cassius, lii. 13); but the Roman emperors followed his example, or perhaps revived the old custom of the kings. See Dio Cassius, xliii. 14; Suetonius, Nero, 25; Pliny, Panegyric, 22; Propertius, v. 1. 32; Ovid, Ars amat. i. 214. On the sanctity of white horses among various branches of the Aryan stock, see J. von Negelein, “Die volksthümliche Bedeutung der weissen Farbe,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xxxiii. (1901) pp. 62-66; W. Ridgeway, The Origin and Influence of the Thoroughbred Horse (Cambridge, 1905), pp. 105, 186, 187, 294, 295, 419. As to the horses of the Sun, see above, vol. i. pp. 315 sq.

[554]. Tertullian, De corona militis, 13, “Coronant et publicos ordines laureis publicae causae magistratus vero insuper aureis. Praeferuntur etiam illis Hetruscae. Hoc vocabulum est coronarum, quas gemmis et foliis ex auro quercinis ob Jovem insignes ad deducendas thensas cum palmatis togis sumunt.” The thensae were the sacred cars in which the images of the gods were carried at the procession of the Circensian games (see W. Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 3rd Ed., s.v.). That the Etruscan crown described by Tertullian was the golden crown held by a slave over the head of a general on his triumph may be inferred from Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxiii. 11, “Vulgoque sic triumphabant, et cum corona ex auro Etrusca sustineretur a tergo, anulus tamen in digito ferreus erat aeque triumphantis et servi fortasse coronam sustinentis.” Compare Zonaras, Annal. vii. 21; Juvenal, x. 38 sqq. Mommsen says that the triumphal golden crown was made in the shape of laurel leaves (Römisches Staatsrecht, i. 3rd Ed., 427); but none of the ancient authors cited by him appears to affirm this, with the exception of Aulus Gellius (v. 6. 5-7, “Triumphales coronae sunt aureae, quae imperatoribus ob honorem triumphi mittuntur. Id vulgo dicitur aurum coronarium. Haec antiquitus e lauru erant, post fieri ex aura coeptae”). Gellius may have confused the wreath of real laurel which the general wore on his head (Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxiii. 127, 130, 137) with the golden crown which was held over him by a slave. The two crowns are clearly distinguished by Zonaras (l.c.), though he does not describe the shape of the golden crown. Thus there is no good ground for rejecting the express testimony of Tertullian that the golden crown was shaped like oak-leaves. This seems to have been Mommsen’s own earlier opinion, since he mentions “a chaplet of oaken leaves in gold” as part of the insignia of the Roman kings (Roman History, London, 1894, i. 83).

[555]. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxiii. 111 sq.; Servius on Virgil, Ecl. vi. 22, x. 27.

[556]. Pausanias, ii. 2. 6, vii. 26. 11, viii. 39. 6. For other examples of idols painted red see my note on Pausanias, ii. 2. 6.

[557]. For instances see Fr. Kunstmann, “Valentin Ferdinand’s Beschreibung der Serra Leoa,” Abhandlungen d. histor. Classe d. kön. Bayer. Akademie d. Wissenschaften, ix. (Munich, 1866) p. 131; J. B. Labat, Relation historique de l’Éthiopie Occidentale (Paris, 1732), i. 250; Gmelin, Reise durch Sibirien, ii. 476; “Ueber den religiösen Glauben und die Ceremonien der heidnischen Samojeden im Kreise Mesen,” Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde, N.F. viii. (1860) p. 59; E. Rae, The White Sea Peninsula, p. 150; J. B. Müller, “Les Mœurs et usages des Ostiackes,” Recueil de voiages au Nord, viii. (Amsterdam, 1727) pp. 414 sq.; Delamare, in Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, xii. (1840) p. 482; Sahagun, Histoire générale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne (Paris, 1880), p. 185; J. de Velasco, Histoire du royaume de Quito, p. 121 (Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, relations et mémoires, xviii., Paris, 1840); E. J. Payne, History of the New World called America, i. 374 n. 1; F. B. Jevons, Introduction to the History of Religion (London, 1896), p. 158. Often we are merely told that the blood is smeared or sprinkled on the image. See A. B. Ellis, Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, pp. 42, 79; id., Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, pp. 102, 106; A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, British Nigeria (London, 1902), p. 255; Fr. Kramer, “Der Götzendienst der Niasser,” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, xxxiii. (1890) p. 496. For more examples see my note on Pausanias, ii. 2. 6.

[558]. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xii. 3; Phaedrus, iii. 17. 1 sqq.; Servius on Virgil, Georg. iii. 332, and on Ecl. i. 17.