Zulus, their belief in serpents as reincarnations of the dead, i. 82, 84;
their observation of the moon, ii. [134] sq.;
the worship of the dead among the, [182] sqq.;
their sacrifice of a bull to prolong the life of the king, [222]
Footnotes
[1.] See Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 12-20; R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia (Turin, 1881-1884), vol. ii. pp. 692 sqq.; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum (Tübingen, n.d.), pp. 365-369; id., Die ägyptische Religion2 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 38 sqq.; A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Ägypter (Münster i. W. 1890), pp. 109 sqq.; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1897), pp. 207 sqq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 172 sqq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians (London, 1904), ii. 123 sqq.; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection (London, 1911), i. 1 sqq. [2.] J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt (London, 1912), pp. vii. sq., 77 sqq., 84 sqq., 91 sqq. Compare id., History of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1908), p. 68; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 116 sq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection (London, 1911), i. 100 sqq. The first series of the texts was discovered in 1880 when Mariette's workmen penetrated into the pyramid of King Pepi the First. Till then it had been thought by modern scholars that the pyramids were destitute of inscriptions. The first to edit the Pyramid Texts was Sir Gaston Maspero. [3.] J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, pp. 91 sq. Among the earlier works referred to in the Pyramid Texts are “the chapter of those who ascend” and “the chapter of those who raise themselves up” (J. H. Breasted, op. cit. p. 85). From their titles these works would seem to have recorded a belief in the resurrection and ascension of the dead. [4.] This has been done by Professor J. H. Breasted in his Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, pp. 18 sqq. [5.] In Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 12, we must clearly read ἑβδομηκοστὸν δεύτερον with Scaliger and Wyttenbach for the ἑβδομηκοστόν of the MSS. [6.] Herodotus, ii. 4, with A. Wiedemann's note; L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie (Berlin, 1825-1826), i. 94 sqq.; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 468 sq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 208 sq. [7.] The birth of the five deities on the five supplementary days is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (i. 13. 4) as well as by Plutarch (Isis et Osiris, 12). The memory of the five supplementary days seems to survive in the modern Coptic calendar of Egypt. The days from the first to the sixth of Amshir (February) are called “the days outside the year” and they are deemed unlucky. “Any child begotten during these days will infallibly be misshapen or abnormally tall or short. This also applies to animals so that cattle and mares are not covered during these days; moreover, some say (though others deny) that neither sowing nor planting should be undertaken.” However, these unlucky days are not the true intercalary days of the Coptic calendar, which occur in the second week of September at the end of the Coptic year. See C. G. Seligmann, “Ancient Egyptian Beliefs in Modern Egypt,” Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway (Cambridge, 1913), p. 456. As to the unluckiness of intercalary days in general, see The Scapegoat, pp. 339 sqq. [8.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 13; Diodorus Siculus, i. 14, 17, 20; Tibullus, i. 7. 29 sqq. [9.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 13 sq. [10.] A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 366; id., Die ägyptische Religion2 (Berlin, 1909), p. 40; A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1897), pp. 213 sq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, i. 487 sq., ii. 206-211; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection (London, 1911), i. 92-96, ii. 84, 274-276. These incidents of the scorpions are not related by Plutarch but are known to us from Egyptian sources. The barbarous legend of the begetting of Horus by the dead Osiris is told in unambiguous language in the Pyramid Texts, and it is illustrated by a monument which represents the two sister goddesses hovering in the likeness of hawks over the god, while Hathor sits at his head and the Frog-goddess Heqet squats in the form of a huge frog at his feet. See J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 28, with note 2; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 280. Harpocrates is in Egyptian Her-pe-khred, “Horus the child” (A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 223). Plutarch, who appears to distinguish him from Horus, says that Harpocrates was begotten by the dead Osiris on Isis, and that he was born untimely and was weak in his lower limbs (Isis et Osiris, 19). Elsewhere he tells us that Harpocrates “was born, incomplete and youthful, about the winter solstice along with the early flowers and blossoms” (Isis et Osiris, 65). [11.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 8, 18. [12.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 18. [13.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 18. Compare Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, v. 7, p. 142, ed. L. Duncker and F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1859). [14.] Diodorus Siculus, i. 21. 5-11; compare id., iv. 6. 3; Strabo, xvii. 1. 23, p. 803. [15.] H. Brugsch, “Das Osiris-Mysterium von Tentyra,” Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde, xix. (1881) pp. 77 sqq.; V. Loret, “Les fêtes d'Osiris au mois de Khoiak,” Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes, iii. (1882) pp. 43 sqq.; R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, pp. 697 sqq.; A. Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buch (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 584 sqq.; id., Die Religion der alten Ägypter, p. 115; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 215 sqq.; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 367 sq. [16.] J. Rendel Harris, The Annotators of the Codex Bezae (London, 1901), p. 104, note 2, referring to Dulaure. [17.] A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion2 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 39 sq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 59 sqq. [18.] A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 211. [19.] A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 39 sq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 176; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 140, 262; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 70-75, 80-82. On Osiris as king of the dead see Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 79. [20.] Miss Margaret A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos (London, 1904), pp. 8, 17, 18. [21.] On Osiris as judge of the dead see A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Ägypter, pp. 131 sqq.; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 248 sqq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 187 sqq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Book of the Dead2 (London, 1909), i. pp. liii. sqq.; id., The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 141 sqq.; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 305 sqq.; A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 116 sqq. [22.] The Book of the Dead, ch. cxxv. (vol. ii. pp. 355 sqq. of Budge's translation; P. Pierret, Le Livre des Morts, Paris, 1882, pp. 369 sqq.); R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, pp. 788 sqq.; A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Ägypter, pp. 132-134; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 249 sqq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 188-191; A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 117-121; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 337 sqq.; J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, pp. 297 sqq. [23.] A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 p. 121. Compare A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Ägypter, pp. 134 sq.; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 253. [24.] A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 254; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 305 sqq.; G. Maspero, op. cit. i. 194 sq.; A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 121 sqq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 97 sq., 100 sqq.; E. Lefébure, “Le Paradis Egyptien,” Sphinx, iii. (Upsala, 1900) pp. 191 sqq. [25.] A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 249. Compare A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 117, 121; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 317, 328. [26.] G. Maspero, “Le rituel du sacrifice funéraire,” Études de Mythologie et d'Archéologie Égyptiennes (Paris, 1893-1912), i. 291 sq. [27.] G. Maspero, op. cit. pp. 300-316. Compare A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Ägypter, pp. 123 sqq.; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 234 sqq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Book of the Dead2 (London, 1909), i. pp. iiii. sqq.; id., The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 126, 140 sq.; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 66 sqq., 101 sq., 176, 305, 399 sq.; A. Moret, Du Caractère religieux de la Royauté Pharaonique (Paris, 1902), p. 312; id., Kings and Gods of Egypt (New York and London, 1912), pp. 91 sqq.; id., Mystères Égyptiens (Paris, 1913), pp. 37 sqq. “In one of the ceremonies of the ‘Opening of the Mouth’ the deceased was temporarily placed in a bull's skin, which was probably that of one of the bulls which were offered up during the celebration of the service. From this skin the deceased obtained further power, and his emergence from it was the visible symbol of his resurrection and of his entrance into everlasting life with all the strength of Osiris and Horus” (E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 400). [28.] A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 416; J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 149 sq.; Margaret A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos (London, 1904), p. 31. Under the earlier dynasties only kings appear to have been identified with Osiris. [29.] A. Moret, Mystères Égyptiens (Paris, 1913), p. 40. [30.] A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 111-113. However, in later times the body with which the dead came to life was believed to be a spiritual, not a material body; it was called sāhu. See E. A. Wallis Budge, The Book of the Dead,2 i. pp. lvii. sqq.; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 123 sq. [31.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 19 and 55; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 368; id., Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 41 sq.; A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Ägypter, p. 114; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 214 sq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 176-178; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 62 sq., 64, 89 sqq., 309 sqq. [32.] The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 290 sqq. [33.] A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 217. For details see E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 30 sqq. [34.] J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1908), p. 61; id., Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 38; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 37, 67, 81, 210, 212, 214, 290, ii. 1, 2, 8-13, 82-85; A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 21, 23, 110; A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 289; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 70, 96, 97. It appears to be now generally held that the original seat of the worship of Osiris was at Busiris, but that at Abydos the god found a second home, which in time eclipsed the old one in glory. According to Professors Ed. Meyer and A. Erman, the god whom Osiris displaced at Abydos was Anubis. [35.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 20; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 417; J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1908), pp. 148 sq.; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. p. 209; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 68 sq., ii. 3. [36.] Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. p. 125. [37.] J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 43, 50 sq. The excavations were begun by E. Amélineau and continued by W. M. Flinders Petrie (Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. p. 119). See E. Amélineau, Le Tombeau d'Osiris (Paris, 1899); W. M. Flinders Petrie, The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties, Part ii. (London, 1901). The excavations of the former have been criticized by Sir Gaston Maspero (Études de Mythologie et d'Archéologie Égyptiennes, vi. (Paris, 1912) pp. 153-182). [38.] Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 119, 124; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 8. The place is now known by the Arabic name of Umm al-Ka'âb or “Mother of Pots” on account of the large quantity of pottery that has been found there. [39.] Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 119, 125, 127, 128, 129, 209. The king's Horus name has sometimes been read Zer, but according to Professor Meyer (op. cit. p. 128) and Dr. Budge (Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 83) the true reading is Khent (Chent). The king's personal name was perhaps Ka (Ed. Meyer, op. cit. p. 128). [40.] E. Amélineau, Le Tombeau d'Osiris (Paris, 1899), pp. 107-115; W. M. Flinders Petrie, The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties, Part ii. (London, 1901) pp. 8 sq., 16-19, with the frontispiece and plates lx. lxi.; G. Maspero, Études de Mythologie et d'Archéologie Égyptiennes (Paris, 1893-1912), vi. 167-173; J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1908), pp. 50 sq., 148; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 8-10, 13, 83-85. The tomb, with its interesting contents, was discovered and excavated by Monsieur E. Amélineau. The masses, almost the mountains, of broken pottery, under which the tomb was found to be buried, are probably remains of the vessels in which pious pilgrims presented their offerings at the shrine. See E. Amélineau, op. cit. pp. 85 sq.; J. H. Breasted, op. cit. pp. 51, 148. The high White Crown, worn by Osiris, was the symbol of the king's dominion over Upper Egypt; the flat Red Crown, with a high backpiece and a projecting spiral, was the symbol of his dominion over Lower Egypt. On the monuments the king is sometimes represented wearing a combination of the White and the Red Crown to symbolize his sovereignty over both the South and the North. White was the distinctive colour of Upper, as red was of Lower, Egypt. The treasury of Upper Egypt was called “the White House”; the treasury of Lower Egypt was called “the Red House.” See Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 103 sq.; J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1908), pp. 34 sq., 36, 41. [41.] A. Moret, Mystères Égyptiens (Paris, 1913), pp. 159-162, with plate iii. Compare Victor Loret, “L'Égypte au temps du totémisme,” Conférences faites au Musée Guimet, Bibliothèque de Vulgarisation, xix. (Paris, 1906) pp. 179-186. Both these writers regard the hawk as the totem of the royal clan. This view is rejected by Prof. Ed. Meyer, who, however, holds that Horus, whose emblem was the hawk, was the oldest national god of Egypt (Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 102-106). He prefers to suppose that the hawk, or rather the falcon, was the emblem of a god of light because the bird flies high in the sky (op. cit. p. 73; according to him the bird is not the sparrow-hawk but the falcon, ib. p. 75). A similar view is adopted by Professor A. Wiedemann (Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 26). Compare A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 10, 11. The native Egyptian name of Hawk-town was Nechen, in Greek it was Hieraconpolis (Ed. Meyer, op. cit. p. 103). Hawks were worshipped by the inhabitants (Strabo, xvii. 1. 47, p. 817). [42.] According to the legend the four sons of Horus were set by Anubis to protect the burial of Osiris. They washed his dead body, they mourned over him, and they opened his cold lips with their fingers. But they disappeared, for Isis had caused them to grow out of a lotus flower in a pool of water. In that position they are sometimes represented in Egyptian art before the seated effigy of Osiris. See A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 p. 43; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 40, 41, 327. [43.] See above, pp. [9] sq. [44.] E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 16 sq. [45.] Cyril of Alexandria, In Isaiam, lib. ii. Tomus iii. (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, lxx. 441). [46.] As to the Egyptian calendar see L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie (Berlin, 1825-1826), i. 93 sqq.; Sir J. G. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), ii. 368 sqq.; R. Lepsius, Die Chronologie der Aegypter, i. (Berlin, 1849) pp. 125 sqq.; H. Brugsch, Die Ägyptologie (Leipsic, 1891), pp. 347-366; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 468 sq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 207-210; Ed. Meyer, “Aegyptische Chronologie,” Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1904, pp. 2 sqq.; id., “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1907, pp. 3 sqq.; id., Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 28 sqq., 98 sqq.; F. K. Ginzel, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. (Leipsic, 1906) pp. 150 sqq. [47.] Herodotus, ii. 4, with A. Wiedemann's note; Geminus, Elementa Astronomiae, 8, p. 106, ed. C. Manitius (Leipsic, 1898); Censorinus, De die natali, xviii. 10. [48.] Geminus, Elementa Astronomiae, 8, pp. 106 sqq., ed. C. Manitius. [49.] Diodorus Siculus, i. 50. 2; Strabo, xvii. i. 46, p. 816. According to H. Brugsch (Die Ägyptologie, pp. 349 sq.), the Egyptians would seem to have denoted the movable year of the calendar and the fixed year of the sun by different written symbols. For more evidence that they were acquainted with a four years' period, corrected by intercalation, see R. Lepsius, Chronologie der Aegypter, i. 149 sqq. [50.] Geminus, Elementa Astronomiae, 8, p. 106, ed. C. Manitius. The same writer further (p. 108) describes as a popular Greek error the opinion that the Egyptian festival of Isis coincided with the winter solstice. In his day, he tells us, the two events were separated by an interval of a full month, though they had coincided a hundred and twenty years before the time he was writing. [51.] Scholia in Caesaris Germanici Aratea, p. 409, ed. Fr. Eyssenhardt, in his edition of Martianus Capella (Leipsic, 1866). [52.] Copies of the decree in hieroglyphic, demotic, and Greek have been found inscribed on stones in Egypt. See Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques (Brussels, 1900), pp. 415 sqq., No. 551; W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae (Leipsic, 1903-1905), vol. i. pp. 91 sqq., No. 56; J. P. Mahaffy, The Empire of the Ptolemies (London, 1895), pp. 205 sqq., 226 sqq. The star mentioned in the decree is the Dog-star (Sirius). See below, pp. [34] sqq. [53.] W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, vol. i. pp. 140 sqq., No. 90, with note 25 of the editor. [54.] On the Alexandrian year see L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 140 sqq. That admirable chronologer argued (pp. 153-161) that the innovation was introduced not, as had been commonly supposed, in 25 b.c., but in 30 b.c., the year in which Augustus defeated Mark Antony under the walls of Alexandria and captured the city. However, the question seems to be still unsettled. See F. K. Ginzel, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 226 sqq., who thinks it probable that the change was made in 26 b.c. For the purposes of this study the precise date of the introduction of the Alexandrian year is not material. [55.] In demotic the fixed Alexandrian year is called “the year of the Ionians,” while the old movable year is styled “the year of the Egyptians.” Documents have been found which are dated by the day and the month of both years. See H. Brugsch, Die Ägyptologie, pp. 354 sq. [56.] L. Ideler, op. cit. i. 149-152. Macrobius thought that the Egyptians had always employed a solar year of 365-¼ days (Saturn. i. 12. 2, i. 14. 3). The ancient calendar of the Mexicans resembled that of the Egyptians except that it was divided into eighteen months of twenty days each (instead of twelve months of thirty days each), with five supplementary days added at the end of the year. These supplementary days (nemontemi) were deemed unlucky: nothing was done on them: they were dedicated to no deity; and persons born on them were considered unfortunate. See B. de Sahagun, Histoire générale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp. 50, 164; F. S. Clavigero, History of Mexico (London, 1807), i. 290. Unlike the Egyptian calendar, however, the Mexican appears to have been regularly corrected by intercalation so as to bring it into harmony with the solar year. But as to the mode of intercalation our authorities differ. According to the positive statement of Sahagun, one of the earliest and best authorities, the Mexicans corrected the deficiency of their year by intercalating one day in every fourth year, which is precisely the correction adopted in the Alexandrian and the Julian calendar. See B. de Sahagun, op. cit. pp. 286 sq., where he expressly asserts the falsehood of the view that the bissextile year was unknown to the Mexicans. This weighty statement is confirmed by the practice of the Indians of Yucatan. Like the Aztecs, they reckoned a year to consist of 360 days divided into 18 months of 20 days each, with 5 days added so as to make a total of 365 days, but every fourth year they intercalated a day so as to make a total of 366 days. See Diego de Landa, Relation des choses de Yucatan (Paris, 1864), pp. 202 sqq. On the other hand the historian Clavigero, who lived in the eighteenth century, but used earlier authorities, tells us that the Mexicans “did not interpose a day every four years, but thirteen days (making use here even of this favourite number) every fifty-two years; which produces the same regulation of time” (History of Mexico, Second Edition, London, 1807, vol. i. p. 293). However, the view that the Mexicans corrected their year by intercalation is rejected by Professor E. Seler. See his “Mexican Chronology,” in Bulletin 28 of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Washington, 1904), pp. 13 sqq.; and on the other side Miss Zelia Nuttall, “The Periodical Adjustments of the Ancient Mexican Calendar,” American Anthropologist, N.S. vi. (1904) pp. 486-500. [57.] Herodotus, ii. 36, with A. Wiedemann's note; Diodorus Siculus, i. 14-1, i. 17. 1; Pliny, Nat. Hist. v. 57 sq., xviii. 60; Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), ii. 398, 399, 418, 426 sq.; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 577 sqq.; A. de Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants (London, 1884), pp. 354 sq., 369, 381; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 66. [58.] Herodotus, ii. 14; Diodorus Siculus, i. 36; Strabo, xvii. 1. 3, pp. 786-788; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 167-170; Seneca, Natur. Quaest. iv. 2. 1-10; E. W. Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (Paisley and London, 1895), pp. 17 sq., 495 sqq.; A. Erman, op. cit. pp. 21-25; G. Maspero, op. cit. i. 22 sqq. However, since the Suez Canal was cut, rain has been commoner in Lower Egypt (A. H. Sayce on Herodotus, ii. 14). [59.] G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 22-26; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 23. According to Lane (op. cit. pp. 17 sq.) the Nile rises in Egypt about the summer solstice (June 21) and reaches its greatest height by the autumnal equinox (September 22). This agrees exactly with the statement of Diodorus Siculus (i. 36. 2). Herodotus says (ii. 19) that the rise of the river lasted for a hundred days from the summer solstice. Compare Pliny, Nat. Hist. v. 57, xviii. 167; Seneca, Nat. Quaest. iv. 2. 1. According to Prof. Ginzel the Nile does not rise in Egypt till the last week of June (Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 154). For ancient descriptions of Egypt in time of flood see Herodotus, ii. 97; Diodorus Siculus, i. 36. 8 sq.; Strabo, xvii. 1. 4, p. 788; Aelian, De natura animalium, x. 43; Achilles Tatius, iv. 12; Seneca, Natur. Quaest. iv. 2. 8 and 11. [60.] Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), ii. 365 sq.; E. W. Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (Paisley and London, 1895), pp. 498 sqq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 23 sq., 69. The last-mentioned writer says (p. 24) that the dams are commonly cut between the first and sixteenth of July, but apparently he means August. [61.] Sir J. D. Wilkinson, op. cit. ii. 398 sq.; Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie, cited above, vol. i. p. 231, note 3. According to Pliny (Nat. Hist. xviii. 60) barley was reaped in Egypt in the sixth month from sowing, and wheat in the seventh month. Diodorus Siculus, on the other hand, says (i. 36. 4) that the corn was reaped after four or five months. Perhaps Pliny refers to Lower, and Diodorus to Upper Egypt. Elsewhere Pliny affirms (Nat. Hist. xviii. 169) that the corn was sown at the beginning of November, and that the reaping began at the end of March and was completed in May. This certainly applies better to Lower than to Upper Egypt. [62.] Pausanias, x. 32. 18. [63.] E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 278. [64.] N. Adriani en Alb. C. Kruijt, De Bare'e-sprekende Toradjas van Midden-Celebes (Batavia, 1912), i. 273. The more civilized Indians of tropical America, who practised agriculture and had developed a barbaric art, appear to have commonly represented the rain-god in human form with tears streaming down from his eyes. See T. A. Joyce, “The Weeping God,” Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway (Cambridge, 1913), pp. 365-374. [65.] This we learn from inscriptions at Silsilis. See A. Moret, Mystères Égyptiens (Paris, 1913), p. 180. [66.] E. W. Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (Paisley and London, 1895), ch. xxvi. pp. 495 sq. [67.] L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 124 sqq.; R. Lepsius, Die Chronologie der Aegypter, i. 168 sq.; F. K. Ginzel, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 190 sq.; Ed. Meyer, “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1907 (Berlin, 1908), pp. 11 sq.; id., Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 28 sq., 99 sqq. The coincidence of the rising of Sirius with the swelling of the Nile is mentioned by Tibullus (i. 7. 21 sq.) and Aelian (De natura animalium, x. 45). In later times, as a consequence of the precession of the equinoxes, the rising of Sirius gradually diverged from the summer solstice, falling later and later in the solar year. In the sixteenth and fifteenth century b.c. Sirius rose seventeen days after the summer solstice, and at the date of the Canopic decree (238 b.c.) it rose a whole month after the first swelling of the Nile. See L. Ideler, op. cit. i. 130; F. K. Ginzel, op. cit. i. 190; Ed. Meyer, “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” pp. 11 sq. According to Censorinus (De die natali, xxi. 10), Sirius regularly rose in Egypt on the twentieth of July (Julian calendar); and this was true of latitude 30° in Egypt (the latitude nearly of Heliopolis and Memphis) for about three thousand years of Egyptian history. See L. Ideler, op. cit. i. 128-130. But the date of the rising of the star is not the same throughout Egypt; it varies with the latitude, and the variation within the limits of Egypt amounts to seven days or more. Roughly speaking, Sirius rises nearly a whole day earlier for each degree of latitude you go south. Thus, whereas near Alexandria in the north Sirius does not rise till the twenty-second of July, at Syene in the south it rises on the sixteenth of July. See R. Lepsius, op. cit. i. 168 sq.; F. K. Ginzel, op. cit. i. 182 sq. Now it is to be remembered that the rising of the Nile, as well as the rising of Sirius, is observed earlier and earlier the further south you go. The coincident variation of the two phenomena could hardly fail to confirm the Egyptians in their belief of a natural or supernatural connexion between them. [68.] Diodorus Siculus, i. 27. 4; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 21, 22, 38, 61; Porphyry, De antro nympharum, 24; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, ii. 517; Canopic decree, lines 36 sq., in W. Dittenberger's Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, vol. i. p. 102, No. 56 (lines 28 sq. in Ch. Michel's Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, p. 417, No. 551); R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, pp. 825 sq. On the ceiling of the Memnonium at Thebes the heliacal rising of Sirius is represented under the form and name of Isis (Sir J. G. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, London, 1878, iii. 102). [69.] Porphyry and the Canopic decree, ll.cc.; Censorinus, De die natali, xviii. 10, xxi. 10. In inscriptions on the temple at Syene, the modern Assuan, Isis is called “the mistress of the beginning of the year,” the goddess “who revolves about the world, near to the constellation of Orion, who rises in the eastern sky and passes to the west perpetually” (R. V. Lanzone, op. cit. p. 826). According to some, the festival of the rising of Sirius and the beginning of the sacred year was held on the nineteenth, not the twentieth of July. See Ed. Meyer, “Ägyptische Chronologie,” Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1904, pp. 22 sqq.; id., “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1907, pp. 7 sqq.; id., Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 28 sqq., 98 sqq. [70.]
Eudoxi ars astronomica, qualis in charta Aegyptiaca superest, ed. F. Blass (Kiliae, 1887), p. 14, οἱ δὲ ἀσ[τρο]λ[ό]γοι καὶ οἱ ἱερογραμμ[ατεῖς] χ[ρῶν]ται ταῖς κατὰ σελή[ν]ἠ[ν] ἡμ[έ]ραις καὶ ἄγουσι πανδημ[ι]κὰς ἕ[ορ]τας τινὰς μὲν ὡς ἐνομί[σθ]ἠ τὰ δὲ καταχυτήρια καὶ κυνὸς ἀνατολὴν καὶ σεληναῖα κατὰ θεό[ν], ἀναλεγόμενοι τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων. This statement of Eudoxus or of one of his pupils is important, since it definitely proves that, besides the shifting festivals of the shifting official year, the Egyptians celebrated other festivals, which were dated by direct observation of natural phenomena, namely, the annual inundation, the rise of Sirius, and the phases of the moon. The same distinction of the fixed from the movable festivals is indicated in one of the Hibeh papyri, but the passage is unfortunately mutilated. See The Hibeh Papyri, part i., edited by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (London, 1906), pp. 145, 151 (pointed out to me by my friend Mr. W. Wyse). The annual festival in honour of Ptolemy and Berenice was fixed on the day of the rising of Sirius. See the Canopic decree, in W. Dittenberger's Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, No. 56 (vol. i. pp. 102 sq.).
The rise of Sirius was carefully observed by the islanders of Ceos, in the Aegean. They watched for it with arms in their hands and sacrificed on the mountains to the star, drawing from its aspect omens of the salubrity or unhealthiness of the coming year. The sacrifice was believed to secure the advent of the cool North winds (the Etesian winds as the Greeks call them), which regularly begin to blow about this time of the year, and mitigate the oppressive heat of summer in the Aegean. See Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. ii. 516-527, with the notes of the Scholiast on vv. 498, 526; Theophrastus, De ventis, ii. 14; Clement of Alexandria, Strom. vi. 3. 29, p. 753, ed. Potter; Nonnus, Dionys. v. 269-279; Hyginus, Astronomica, ii. 4; Cicero, De divinatione, i. 57. 130; M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 6-8; C. Neumann und J. Partsch, Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland (Breslau, 1885), pp. 96 sqq. On the top of Mount Pelion in Thessaly there was a sanctuary of Zeus, where sacrifices were offered at the rising of Sirius, in the height of the summer, by men of rank, who were chosen by the priest and wore fresh sheep-skins. See [Dicaearchus,] “Descriptio Graeciae,” Geographi Graeci Minores, ed. C. Müller, i. 107; Historicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. C. Müller, ii. 262.