Matrimony was a matter of arrangement between the parents; a Punchayut deciding the amount of the dower to be given by the father of the bridegroom to the bride's father. The marriage ceremony consisted in a libation of spirits to Bhugwan, the Supreme Being, and a public declaration that the boy and girl were henceforth man and wife; the whole concluding with a feast. If a man happened to be touched by the petticoat of his mother-in-law, or daughter-in-law, he lost caste, and therefore took care never to go near them. The same result was the consequence of his being struck by his wife's petticoat in the course of connubial strife. By thus losing caste he was incapacitated from joining his tribe in worship, or in funeral rites, though he was still allowed to eat and drink with them. However, a handsome entertainment to his brother robbers and a humble offering to the gods removed all impurities, social and religious.
The Bolarum Dacoitee committed in 1837 is such an excellent illustration of the system adopted by the Sanseeas that no apology need be offered for the length of the narrative, as given to Captain Malcolm ten years afterwards by one of the Dacoits actually engaged in it.
"From this place (Sadaseopath) I and four others came on to Hyderabad, where we looked about us for five days, but finding nothing likely to suit our purpose, we went to Bolarum, and took up our quarters at a buneeya's (tradesman's) shop in the village of Alwal, close to the cantonments. In the cantonments we soon discovered a respectable looking shop, which appeared well suited for a Dacoitee. Early one morning I took fifty shuhr-chelnee rupees with me and went to the shop, where I found the owner transacting business. I asked him to exchange the shuhr-chelnee for bagh-chelnee rupees, and when I had agreed to give him one pice discount on each rupee, he went and unlocked one of two large-sized boxes, which I saw in an inner room, and out of which he took the money I required. I also noticed some silver horse-furniture hanging upon a peg on the wall, and in a niche a dagger and a pair of pistols." "Having thus obtained all the information I required as to the exact spot where the property was likely to be found, I next examined the position of the different guards likely to interrupt us in the act of breaking into the house. I found that a guard of eighteen men was stationed at the chowrie (police station) some distance off, and that a sentry was posted at night at a place where four streets met, close to the shop I had reconnoitred. From the latter I feared no opposition, as he could easily be overpowered, and we calculated upon breaking into the house before the chowrie-guard could turn out and come to the rescue of the banker."
"I then returned to my comrades, with whom I remained for two days, making ourselves acquainted with all the localities about the place, the roads leading from it, and in fact with everything that might be of use to us in the enterprise we were about to undertake. Among other things, we learnt that after gun-fire, or eight o'clock, the guard had orders to stop all parties entering the cantonments, and we therefore determined to commence operations before that hour."
"We then returned to Sadaseopath (forty miles distant), and on relating the result of our proceedings to the gang, it was determined to risk a Dacoitee on the Sowar's house at Bolarum. Our next proceeding was to convey as secretly as possible to the vicinity of that place sufficient arms and axes to answer our purpose; these were made up into bundles and entrusted to four men, who proceeded in the night time to Puttuncherroo, and on the following night, a couple of hours before daybreak, we reached a small nullah (ravine) behind the mosque near Bolarum, where the axes and spears were carefully buried in the sand. The rest of our party in the meantime struck their camp, and, leaving the high road, made to the village of Tillapoor, about eight or nine miles from the fort of Golcondah."
"The gang chosen for the Dacoitee consisted of twenty-four able men, under Rungelah Jemadar and myself, and left Tillapoor about ten o'clock in the forenoon, and, in small parties of two and three, reached at twilight the spot where our arms were concealed. We then procured some oil from the shop in the cantonments, and, about half-past seven or nearly eight o'clock, we proceeded in straggling order towards the shop about to be attacked, and which we reached without being challenged by any one. The sentry posted near the shop we were about to attack did not appear to suspect or notice us; and the moment our mussal (torch) was lighted, he was speared by Baraham Shah and Kistniah, while others commenced breaking in the doors of the inner room, the outer partition of the shop having been found open. Three bankers, whom we found writing their accounts in the outer shop, rushed into the house and disappeared. The lock of the door yielded to one blow from the axe of Rungelah, and, on throwing down the planks of which it was formed, we found the box which I had seen on a former occasion, unlocked and open. Out of this we took sixteen bags full of money, leaving four, which we were obliged to relinquish, as we were pressed for time, and had not sufficient men at hand to remove them. The whole place now was in a state of commotion and uproar; and, as we drew off as fast as we could, we were followed by a crowd of camp-followers and Sipahees, to the place where a number of bullocks were picketed. We here struck into the paddy (rice) fields, and across these our pursuers did not attempt to follow us. A short distance from Bolarum, two of the bags broke, and the money fell to the ground; and as it was dark, and we had no time to search for it, we lost nearly 1,500 rupees." Nevertheless, they got off with 14,500 rupees, and with silver horse-furniture valued at £15 more.
The impossibility of guarding against these organized attacks by large bodies of armed men, through the means of the ordinary police, induced Lord Auckland in 1838 to appoint Captain Sleeman commissioner for the suppression of Dacoitee, in addition to his duties as General Superintendent of measures for the suppression of Thuggee. The task was a difficult one. Not only were the Dacoits protected and screened by the native princes, land owners, and magistrates—their own numbers and determination rendered their apprehension a matter of some danger. It was afterwards ascertained that in 1839 there were no fewer than seventy-two leaders south of the Jumna who could gather together 1,625 followers; and to the north of that river forty-six leaders, supported by 1,445 men. In the Oude jungles were many powerful colonies, who were usually warned by friendly Zemindars of the approach of danger, and thus enabled to flee to less accessible fastnesses. On one occasion 1,500 of them escaped into Nepaul where they temporarily dispersed, to meet again at a given rendezvous. The Commissioner himself aptly compared their colonies to a ball of quicksilver, which, if pressed by the finger, will divide into many smaller globules, all certain to come together again and cohere as firmly as before. However, the constant alarms to which they were now subjected, compelled them to conceal themselves in such unhealthy spots that they were decimated by disease. In the Goruckpore district a gang, consisting of ninety-four men and 280 women and children, suffered so much from this cause that they voluntarily surrendered themselves. Others were hunted down from one district to another, until in despair they yielded themselves prisoners, or endeavoured to abandon their illegal vocation and settle down to agricultural pursuits. Many of the prisoners, being conditionally pardoned, were admitted into the police force, where they distinguished themselves by their courage and intelligence. It is a remarkable trait in the character of the Dacoits that they rarely forfeited their word. If once they pledged themselves not to revert to their former evil habits, there was little danger of a relapse. An experimental colony was formed of the approvers and their families near Moradabad, at a place called, de nomine facti, Buddukabad. The result has been satisfactory, though the Dacoits usually complained of the difficulty of confining their expenditure to the comparatively small means furnished by honest industry. A Budduk, they would say, cannot live on eight rupees a month (three rupees being the wages of an ordinary labourer): he requires at least two rupees a day, because he eats meat and takes large quantities of ghee and rice, and loves liquor, and is addicted to polygamy. One of them, who had been ten years in prison, being asked by Capt. Ramsay if, in the event of his liberation, he would promise to amend his life, shook his head and answered with a merry laugh:—"No, no, that would never do. Why should I become an honest man—work hard all day in the sun, rain, and all weathers, and earn—what? Some five or six pice a day! We Dacoits lead very comfortable and agreeable lives. When from home, which is generally only during the cold season, we march some fourteen or sixteen miles a-day for, perhaps, a couple of months, or say four, at the outside—commit a Dacoitee and bring home money sufficient to keep us comfortable for a year, or perhaps two. When at home we amuse ourselves by shooting, or visiting our friends, or in any way most agreeable—eat when we please, and sleep when we please—can, what you call an honest man, do that?"
Another who had passed a like period within the gaol at Lucknow, returned to Dacoitee a few months after his release. "I was then young," said he, "and in high spirits—I had been confined with many other old Dacoits—and in gaol I used to hear them talking of their excursions, how they got 50,000 rupees here and 20,000 rupees there; and I used to long for my release, that I might go on Dacoitee and enjoy myself." The confessions of both these men would be readily endorsed by many inmates of our own prisons. Evil associations and the charms of a contraband career are equally potent in Europe and in Asia. But among the natives of India the profession of a Dacoit was not regarded as one of shame and disgrace. Indeed, even the Commissioner avowed he could see little difference, ethically, between expeditions in quest of plunder, and those for the purpose of conquest; it was a question of degree, not of principle. They themselves gloried in their calling. "Ours," they said, "has been a Padshahee Kam (an imperial business); we have attached and seized boldly the thousands and hundreds of thousands that we have freely and nobly spent: we have been all our lives wallowing in wealth and basking in freedom, and find it hard to manage with a few copper pice a day we get from you." So energetic, however, and persevering were the measures adopted for the suppression of this "Padshahee Kam" that within a very few years after their inauguration, there existed in the Upper Provinces scarcely even the nucleus of a gang. The few who still remained at liberty were known by name and personal appearance, and only escaped apprehension by leading simple and inoffensive lives, gaining their daily bread by their daily labour.
The task of suppression in the Lower Provinces has been attended with so many peculiar difficulties, from the natural configuration of the country, that Dacoitee can hardly yet be said to be extinguished. But its days are numbered, and a marked diminution of cases is observable every year. The apathy of their victims has, undoubtedly, been one great cause of the impunity so long enjoyed by these daring marauders. This reluctance to prosecute, though partly owing to a well founded dread of incurring the vengeance of the comrades of convicted Dacoits, is chiefly attributable to the repugnance felt by all respectable natives to appear in Court even as complainants. The tedious formalities of legal proceedings appear to them in the light of studied annoyances, and their dignity is offended by the distrust with which their statements are necessarily received. Perhaps, the ancient mode of administering justice would be, after all, the most efficacious, and certainly most in accordance with the native character. The elders of the town, or village, seated at the gate, or beneath the grateful shade of stately trees, and presided over by an English gentleman conversant with their habits and language, and possessed of tact, patience, and good sense, would probably dispense more evenhanded justice than is obtained by all the costly paraphernalia of courts of law founded on a totally different phase of civilization. Be this as it may, enough has now been said to disprove the vulgar allegation of indifference to the welfare of their fellow subjects so flippantly and frequently urged against the Government of the East India Company. And these are only two out of many instances that might be adduced to show that their administration has been one of continued and consistent progress. It is reserved for posterity to admire the gratitude that seeks to reward the annexation and improvement of a vast empire by maligning the motives of those to whom this country is indebted for the brightest gem in the imperial crown, vilipending their services, and depriving them of power and patronage.