In brief, Myrdal says, the statistics “do not provide a fair index of Negro crime.” And for a typical example of the fallacies that permeate the statistics, “the Negro rape rate, like other Negro crime rates, is fallaciously high: white women may try to extricate themselves from the consequences of sexual delinquency by blaming or framing Negro men; a white woman who has a Negro lover can get rid of him or avoid social ostracism following detection by accusing him of rape; neurotic white women may hysterically interpret an innocent action as an ‘attack’ by a Negro.”
In addition to the statistical distortions that result (1) from basic discrimination against Negroes and (2) from the Negro’s poverty and ignorance of the law, Myrdal finds a third “group of causes of Negro crime.” This, he says, is “connected with the slavery tradition and the caste situation.” Negroes in the South traditionally have been permitted to pilfer small items from their employers; the practice has imbued them with a general disrespect for property rights. And their feeling that there is nothing wrong with petty stealing “is strengthened by the fact that Negroes know that their white employers are exploiting them.”
Beyond all this, Myrdal says, as a cause of “Negro crime,” is the Negro’s hatred of whites. The revenge motive figures in Negro muggings and headings: “Because the white man regards him as apart from society, it is natural for a Negro to regard himself as apart. He does not participate in making the laws in the South, and he has little chance to enforce them. To the average lower class Negro, at least in the South, the police, the courts, and even the law are arbitrary and hostile to Negroes, and thus are to be avoided or fought against. The ever-present hostility to the law and law-enforcement agencies on the part of all Southern Negroes and many Northern Negroes does not often manifest itself in an outbreak against them because the risks are too great. But occasionally this hostility does express itself, and then there is crime.”
Myrdal concludes by asserting: “We know that Negroes are not biologically more criminal than whites. We do not know definitely that Negroes are culturally more criminal, although we do know that they come up against law-enforcement agencies more often. We suspect that the ‘true’ crime rate—when extraneous influences are held constant—is higher among Negroes. This is true at least for such crimes as involve personal violence, petty robbery, and sexual delinquency—because of the caste system and the slavery tradition....”
Myrdal wrote in 1944. The statistics he struggled so wildly to discredit have not changed significantly in the past eighteen years. In this period, the Negro’s position in American society has improved phenomenally; his political power has significantly increased in most Southern cities and has become decisive in many Northern wards and congressional districts. In both North and South, Negroes sit on juries, appear as counsel, serve as police officers. Myrdal’s specious and shabby rationalizations based upon “discrimination” simply will not hold up in any national view. And of some of his fatuous explanations (that many white criminals blacken their faces to put blame on innocent Negroes, that white women are responsible for a fallaciously high Negro rape rate because they frame Negro men, that all Southern Negroes are seized of an ever-present hostility to law and law enforcement) the less said, the better. Yet Myrdal is so widely touted as the ablest authority on the American Negro that the Supreme Court of the United States, in the Brown case, suggested that his work be “seen generally” as a support for the court’s reasoning!
Well, the palpable truth is that many white men also are poor; they too know frustrations, feel resentments, fear the real world they live in. But studies of arrests by place of residence, correlated against census data on housing, suggest no levels of criminality in poor and underprivileged white neighborhoods that compare with criminality in generally comparable Negro neighborhoods. Crime always may be measured by an index of poverty, and it is true that poverty exists far more widely among Negroes than among whites; but if poverty were the whole explanation, or even a key explanation, surely the remarkable increases in Negro per capita income over the past fifty years should be reflected in some corresponding decrease in rates of crime among the Negro people. No such correspondence exists. The Negroes of America are better off materially, culturally, and politically than any Negroid people in the world, and their lot improves at an incredible speed. Yet there are the facts on trends in illegitimacy; and there are the facts on trends in crime. And the insistent why? will not go away.
Nathaniel Weyl, who started his studies with an environmentalist’s view, concludes his chapter on Negro criminality with a comment that the character patterns disclosed by the facts are “presumably genetic in origin.” Dr. W. C. George, head of the Department of Anatomy at the University of North Carolina, also tends to find an explanation in racial factors: “Whatever other virtues Negroes may have, and they have many, all of the evidence that I know about—and there is a lot of it—indicates that the Caucasian race is superior to the Negro race in the creation and maintenance of what we call civilization.”
A great many white Southerners accept this thesis implicitly and unquestioningly; they infer the innate “inferiority” of the typical Negro, in terms of Western cultural values, simply on the basis of their lifelong observation of the Negro people about them. No other explanation appeals to their common sense, or to their native prejudice, or to both. This is something they know, and they profess to know it not in anthropological terms (the weight of brains, the pigmentation of skins, the length of appendages, the formation of skull and jaw), but in terms of ordinary human observation.
I incline toward this view myself, but I certainly would not assert, as Myrdal asserts the contrary, that I “know” it to be true. I would be agreeable to accepting the temperate and tentative conclusion voiced by Professor G. M. Morant, of England, in a most unlikely place—an essay in UNESCO’s Race and Prejudice (Columbia, 1961). The volume as a whole is almost worthless to the objective student; most of the essays are no more than special pleading by propagandists against racial prejudice. But Morant examines the evidence of intelligence tests and other data with a scientist’s objectivity, and he concludes by saying this:
“There seems to be no reason why the general rule regarding variation within and between groups should not apply to mental as well as to physical characters. If variable characters of the former kind showed identical distributions for all racial populations, that would be a situation unparalleled, as far as is known, as regards any physical character in man or in any other animal. It seems to be impossible to evade the conclusion that some racial differences in mental characters must be expected. Existing evidence may not be extensive and cogent enough to reveal them, but it must be inferred that some exist....”