Daybreak in Turkey / Second Edition

by James L. Barton

What were some of the general conditions in Turkey which led directly to the uprising in Macedonia soon after the 20th of July, 1908, resulting in the revival of the constitution for all Turkey which had remained inactive since 1877? Sultan Hamid II has been an absolute ruler. His pride has centered in his complete personal mastery over every department of government and all officials, both civil and military. As he advanced in years, he became increasingly suspicious of every one holding office or occupying a position of influence. He seemed so morbidly afraid of a popular uprising that any mention of an Armenian revolution or reference to a constitutional government or suggestion of a Young or New Turkey party, threw him into a state of nervous panic. In order to protect his own person, to guard his administration from corruption by men who thought in terms of modern government, and to suppress any and all movements toward reform, he gradually built up about him a cumbersome, cruel and expensive system of espionage. Every official from the grand vizier at the Porte to the postmaster in a remote inland village was watched and reported upon. One official was directed to make secret reports upon a colleague and all men of wealth and consequent influence, and especially all who had received a degree of modern education were always under sleepless surveillance from the watch-dogs of the palace.

No one knows how many of these men were engaged in the secret service, but there were undoubtedly many thousands. Some drew salaries of large proportion while others were paid according to the service rendered. These spies well knew that they too were under observation by others who had been commissioned to see that they were loyal to their chief. The gates of the foreign embassies were guarded, and the names of all Ottoman subjects who entered them were reported to the police. Everywhere these sleuth-hounds of Yildez were doing their best to justify their appointment, and, if possible, to secure a rise in salary or a handsome bonus. It is reported that this large corps of secret service men were the only officials who received liberal pay and who got it regularly and in cash.

Through information thus obtained, strange things took place. Of course there were never any hearings or trials. None were necessary when trusted spies had reported adversely. Groups of students in the government schools disappeared and the parents even did not dare ask a question. Men of wealth found themselves bundled off to Arabia in poverty, and officials in honor on one day were in exile, if not in their graves, on the next. The only thing certain about the life of an influential and intelligent Ottoman subject was his being under strict surveillance by those who were mainly concerned to satisfy their chief of their own efficiency.

During recent years the one horror of the sultan has been the “Young Turks,” which meant Turkish subjects who know about good government and are eager to see it tried in Turkey. All who were suspected of harboring such ideas were summarily treated. Many such have been banished into interior provinces such as Macedonia, Asia Minor, Armenia and Syria. Some were given minor offices in their place of banishment, but all have been diligent in promoting their ideas. There is hardly a town of importance in Turkey to which one or more of these intelligent, thinking Ottoman subjects has not been exiled and where they have not propagated their principles of reform as opportunity offered. This seed-sowing of modern ideas has been broadcast, and the seed has fallen into rich soil. During these years, secretly and in the dark, multitudes of Ottoman subjects have been studying the science of government with the best educated in the empire as instructors. The lesson has not been the less impressive because secret and the teacher none the less in earnest because his profession was perilous. Wherever these exiles went they found the people writhing under injustice. Excessive taxes were assessed and then collected by extortionate officials who, in the name of the sultan, carried on a system of public robbery. Taxes paid in the spring were again demanded in the autumn, the peasant having no defense in the absence of tax receipts. These teachers of a possible new order of things did not need to take time to persuade their hearers that a change was desirable. Restlessness, approaching a state of sheer desperation, everywhere prevailed. In the meantime, revolutionary committees or organizations among Armenians and perhaps other nationalities had identified themselves sympathetically, if not formally, with the New Turkey party.

Government by espionage and instruction of the masses by banished reformers have been going on in all parts of Turkey for many years, no one can say with certainty how many. It was inevitable that a crisis must come. The additional fact that all public officials, especially the army, were poorly paid on paper, if at all, brought things to a pass that seemed to be waiting only for a leader or an occasion to precipitate concerted action.

Such was the situation in Macedonia the latter part of July, 1908. The large army, half starved and underpaid, was sent into the country to put down lawlessness among a people made desperate by prolonged oppression. Previous experiences had satisfied the soldiers that in battling with the hardy mountaineers, many of whom were fighting for their homes, they had little chance of success. Why should they throw their lives away in a useless conflict with people of their own blood, and for a sovereign who appeared scarcely grateful. This was indeed an opportune hour to strike a blow for liberty. It is not yet known how completely the New Turks—called in Macedonia, the “Committee of Ottoman Union and Progress”—had organized, but subsequent events show an excellent degree of cooperation.

In Monastir the army took oath of allegiance to this committee; the troops in Salonica, Kortcha and other parts of the country followed in their lead. A few officers who hesitated were summarily shot. Proclamations in the name of the committee were posted in the leading cities asking all to join the society. At Kortcha in Albania, for instance, a time limit was set for joining the movement, after which all outside were to be regarded as traitors. In all Macedonia there seemed to be little hesitation. Other proclamations enjoining orderly conduct were posted, and within five days Macedonia was more quiet and life and property safer than for twenty years previously.

In the meantime, the leaders were in telegraphic communication with the sultan at Constantinople. What had taken place was reported to him, and he was asked to declare a constitutional government without delay. It was intimated that the army was ready to march on Constantinople if he refused. He hesitated for a while, but when he learned that the Albanians were in the forefront of the movement, and that he could not depend upon the troops, he yielded to a demand he could not resist. Ferid Pasha, his Albanian grand vizier, was summarily dismissed. Said Pasha was appointed to succeed him and Kiamil Pasha was placed upon the Council of Ministers; both men of liberal ideas who had been saved by Great Britain when there was a price upon their heads. Stormy debates followed in the palace at Constantinople as to what could be done to meet the demands of the formidable committee in Macedonia. Honeyed words and paper promotions had proved unavailing and repeated telegrams from the front spoke of urgency. At last the sultan yielded and, on Friday, the 24th of July, issued an irade restoring the constitution of 1876 that had been suspended since 1877.

The constitution which is now revived was sanctioned by Sultan Hamid II soon after he came to the throne in 1876. At that time a European Commission met in Constantinople to suggest methods by which the sultan might set in order his European provinces. He desired to show Europe that he was able to work out reforms of his own. He therefore appointed a well-recognized reformer as grand vizier and proclaimed a constitution. This provided for a responsible ministry, a senate, a chamber of deputies, the right of public meeting, freedom of the press, the appointment of judges for life, compulsory intermediate education, religious liberty, and a long list of other rights and privileges belonging to an enlightened and free government. Within two months, Midhat Pasha, who drafted the constitution, was banished.

An election, however, was held and, in 1877, the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies met in a Parliament House that had been fitted up by the sultan in Constantinople. At that time in his speech from the throne, he repeated his promise for social reforms and a reorganization of the army and navy. The two houses were discussing this address when war broke out in Russia. Martial law was proclaimed in May, and in June parliament was adjourned. Once again that year it was assembled but the sultan was not pleased with the independence exhibited, so in February, 1878, it was dissolved or “suspended” as he preferred to call it. It never met again.