Notwithstanding these rebuffs, England, France, and Russia continued to labor for peace, and made further pacific suggestions, all of which fell upon deaf ears.
On July 25th, Sir Edward Grey proposed that the four Powers (England, France, Italy, and Germany) should unite
in asking the Austrian and Russian Governments not to cross the frontier and to give time for the four Powers, acting at Vienna and St. Petersburg, to try and arrange matters. If Germany will adopt this view I feel strongly that France and ourselves should act upon it. Italy would no doubt gladly coöperate.[26]
To this reasonable request the German Chancellor replied:
The distinction made by Sir Edward Grey between the Austro-Servian and Austro-Russian conflict is quite correct. We wish as little as England to mix in the first, and, first and last, we take the ground that this question must be localized by the abstention of all the Powers from intervention in it. It is therefore our earnest hope that Russia will refrain from any active intervention, conscious of her responsibility and of the seriousness of the situation. If an Austro-Russian dispute should arise, we are ready, with the reservation of our known duties as Allies, to coöperate with the other great Powers in mediation between Russia and Austria.[27]
This distinction is hard to grasp. It attempts to measure the difference between tweedledum and tweedledee. Russia’s current difference with Austria concerned the attempt of the latter to crush Servia without interference. Russia claimed such right of intervention. Germany would not interfere in the former matter, but would abstractly but not concretely mediate between Russia and Austria in the latter. Mediate about what? To refuse to mediate over the Servian question was to refuse to mediate at all. For all practical purposes the two things were indistinguishable.
All that Germany did on July 25th, so far as the record discloses, was to “pass on” England’s and Russia’s requests for more time, but subsequent events indicate that it was “passed on” without any endorsement, for is it credible that Austria would have ignored its ally’s request for more time if it had ever been made? Here again we note with disappointment the absence from the record of Germany’s message to Austria, “passing on” the reasonable request for an extension of time. The result indicates that the request received, if any endorsement, the “faint praise” which is said to “damn.”
Was ever the peace of the world shattered upon so slight a pretext? A little time, a few days, even a few hours, might have sufficed to preserve the world from present horrors, but no time could be granted. A snap judgment was to be taken by these pettifogging diplomats. The peace of the world was to be torpedoed by submarine diplomacy. The Austrian Government could wait nearly three months to try the assassin, who admittedly slew the Austrian Archduke, but could not wait even a few hours before condemning Servia to political death. It could not grant Russia any time to consider a matter gravely affecting its interests, even if the peace of Europe and the happiness of the world depended on it. It would be difficult to find in recorded history a greater discourtesy to a friendly Power, for Austria was not at war with Russia.