Mr. Brooks explained his object in coming here from the United States, to ascertain certain facts as to the location of iron-works in Rio de Janeiro; and that this being the centre of trade, it was not thought advisable to go elsewhere. He stated that all the appliances were in readiness to be brought here and put into operation should his information warrant the move, but as yet he had not learned those data upon which a conclusion could be based.

I adverted to the probable advantages of some location which could make the ore of Epanema available, and supply not only all the domestic and agricultural implements for the province of São Paulo and others adjoining, but eventually make railroad iron for the extension of the line in progress from Santos. The minister thought a situation might be secured with this view that would prove very favorable to business. But Mr. Brooks not being inclined at present to extend his observations and inquiries beyond the city of Rio, the minister assured him of his desire to encourage the erection of such works, and that any assistance which the government could consistently render would be extended to this enterprise.

The minister stated that there was no tax on capital employed in the various manufacturing operations, and that no duty is exacted upon such implements as emigrants may import upon their arrival in the country for their use.

Professional men, as doctors and lawyers, are required to undergo an examination upon coming here for the practice of their respective callings.

Negroes are not admitted into Brazil from other countries unless free-born, and even should they be citizens of the latter after being in slavery, it does not authorize them to be received here.

Regarding this a matter of much moment to those whose negroes would be willing to come with them to this country, I urged the importance of some modification of the existing regulations so as to permit those presenting free-papers from the United States government to enter Brazil. But the minister informed us that it was a provision of the constitution based upon international laws, that could not be altered without a reference to the other powers concerned, and, moreover, that this element would not be a very desirable addition to the population of the country.

There are certainly some aspects of the matter which make it of questionable propriety to admit this particular class of free negroes in a country where slavery exists, and the influence of these freedmen upon other free negroes and upon slaves in Brazil might tend to bring about similar scenes to those which have been enacted in the process of emancipation in the United States.

On the other hand, this skilled labor in the culture of cotton and in the working of machinery of various kinds, would be of much importance to the progress of agriculture and the arts. The negro from the Southern States could give negroes here a practical illustration in the use of the plow, which would be worth more to Brazil than all the treatises on agriculture which are likely to be written for twenty years; and in this respect a few of these negroes would prove very advantageous.

It is evident, however, that Brazil regards the institution of slavery as precarious, and we see already in the public prints allusions to future emancipation, and measures suggested for its gradual accomplishment, which are intended to prepare the public mind for this event at no very distant day. Where this question is discussed among a people whose interests are so largely involved in slavery as in this country, it may be taken for granted that there is a sentiment of opposition to it which will by piecemeal attain the end in view. The overturning of slavery by the result of the war in the United States is simply a sequence of abolitionism which has been at work for a series of years in shaping the policy of the government; and it is found that the same element is working industriously and too surely, for the final consummation and realization of their views in the securing of equal rights and free suffrage to the negro. I do not intend to convey the idea that the institution of slavery cannot be discussed with safety to the institution, for I hold that it rests upon a basis that is tenable in a moral, political, and social point of view; yet the presentation of this subject in the public prints indicates that there are many others besides those who write holding similar doctrines.

The English element of the population in this country is antagonistic to slavery, and is quietly instilling this principle, not simply by the expression of opinions, but in some instances by aiding in the liberation of slaves through contributions of funds for the purchase of freedom, and contracting for the service of the party for a certain period.