The child so adopted is called "Hañ´ga ¢iñké" during the dance. Compare the "hŭñ´ka (huŋka)" of the Dakotas.
There is no regular order of sitting. The drummer and singers sit in the middle, and the child is with them. Near them are the two dancers, who wear no clothing but breech-cloths. Both have the hañga ʞi`anze painted in red on their faces. Each one holds a gourd rattle in his right hand. It contains hard seed, beads, or fine gravel. In their left hands are the calumet pipes. They dance for about an hour, imitating the actions of the war eagle, preserving at the same time a constant waving motion with the calumet, and agitating the gourds more or less vehemently, agreeably to the music.
The villagers look on, some standing, others sitting. At the close of the dance, the crier says to the people, "Come quickly with the presents which you have promised. They will go soon." Then the people bring the horses and other presents, which they bestow upon the visitors, who lose no time in departing for home. Then the child's face is cleansed of the paint, and the two calumets are given to the family to which the child belongs. The visitors generally depart before noon, say, about 10 o'clock. Sometimes they finish the ceremony in three days, in which case one day is spent in feasting, one in making presents, and part of the third day in the dance. Sometimes they spend three days in feasting, the fourth in making presents, and part of the fifth in dancing. But the usual order is two days in feasting, one in making presents, and part of the fourth in dancing.
§ 126. Adoption and privileges of the child.—This child is ever after treated as the first-born, taking the place of the real first-born, who calls him "jin¢éha," elder brother. The wáwan aká shares his property with this adopted son, giving him presents, and never refusing him anything that he may ask of him. In like manner, the real father of the child makes presents to the real son of the wawan aka, just as if he were the child's father. This ceremony is never trifled with, though it is now obsolescent. No marriage can take place between members of these families for four years. At least, La Flèche and Two Crows never heard of any persons marrying who were related by this sort of kinship. After the first generation has passed away, the next may say, "That man's father, A, made me (C) his son. I will dance for D, the child of B, my adopted brother and son of A." Or B may say to C, "My father, A, danced for you. Do you dance for me in the person of my son, D." So the kinship used to be kept up, generation after generation, if they liked one another; but if they did not agree, it was allowed to disappear. (See Kinship, § [78].)
A child is danced for but once by the same party. Should they come again, there are no ceremonies observed but the giving of horses and goods. The children thus honored are from five to six years of age, none over ten years of age can be thus adopted.
Frank La Flèche said, "Cañge-skă danced this dance for my father, who therefore, called him 'father'; and I, too, call Cañge-skă my father. So all the Wejincte people (being my father's gens by adoption), called Cañge-skă, 'father' for four years. Then the kinship ceased. During that period it would have been unlawful for any of my family to intermarry with the gens of Cañge-skă."
The Ponkas are not fully acquainted with the calumet dance. They use but one pipe; but the Omahas always have two pipes.
CHAPTER VII.
INDUSTRIAL OCCUPATIONS.
§ 127. Industrial occupations among the ₵egiha may be treated of in three grand divisions: I. Those relating to the Sustenance of Life; II. Those concerning the Protection of Life; III. Those which have to do with the Regulation of Life. The first and second of these divisions are not fully differentiated.