The Iñke-sabě men cut some sticks in the neighborhood of their tents and sent them around the camp, one being given to the chief of each gens. Then the latter said to his kinsmen, "They have come to give us the stick because they wish us to take part in the dance." Then all the people assembled for the dance. In modern times, those who thought much of themselves (chiefs and others) did not go to witness this dance, but staid at home, as did Joseph La Flèche. Nearly all the young men and boys wore nothing but their breech-cloths, and their bodies were smeared over with white clay. Here and there were young men who wore gay clothing. The women and girls wore good dresses, and painted the partings of their hair and large round spots on their cheeks with red paint. Near the pole were the elder men of the Iñke-sabě gens, wearing robes with the hair outside; some of them acted as singers and others beat the drums and rattles; they never used more than one or two drums and four gourd rattles. It is not certain which Iñke-sabě men acted as singers, and which ones beat the drums and rattles. When Frank La Flèche witnessed this dance he says that the singers and other musicians sat on the west side of the pole and outside the circle of the dancers; but Joseph La Flèche, Two Crows, and Big Elk agreed in saying that their place was within the circle of the dancers and near the pole. This was probably the ancient rule, from which deviations have been made in recent times. The two sacred pipes occupied important places in this dance; each one was carried on the arm of a young man of the gens, but it was not filled.[16] These two young men were the leaders of the dance, and from this circumstance originated the ancient proper name, [T]an¢in-nanba, Two Running. According to Frank La Flèche, these two young men began the dance on the west side of the pole, standing between the pole and the singers. The songs of this dance were sacred, and so they are never sung except during this ceremony. Of the members of the tribe, those on foot danced around the pole, while those who wished to make presents were mounted and rode round and round the circle of the dancers. The men and boys danced in a peculiar course, going from west to south, thence east and north, but the women and girls followed the course of the sun, dancing from the east to the south, thence by the west to the north. The male dancers were nearer the pole, while the females danced in an outer circle. When a horseman wished to make a present he went to one of the bearers of the sacred pipes, and, having taken the pipe by the stem, he held it toward the man to whom he desired to give his horse. The man thus favored, took the end of the stem into his mouth without touching it with his hand and pretended to be smoking, while the other man held the pipe for him ("ui¢an"). The recipient of the gift then expressed his thanks by extending his hands, with the palms towards the donor, saying, "Hau, kageha!" Thanks, my friend! Each male dancer carried a stick of hard willow trimmed at the bottom, but having the branches left at the top (in imitation of the cottonwood pole). Each stick was about five feet high, and was used as a staff or support by the dancers. After all had danced four times around the circle, all the males threw their sticks toward the pole; the young men threw theirs forcibly in sport, and covered the heads of the singers and musicians, who tried to avoid the missiles; This ended the ceremony, when all the people went to their respective tents. Those who received the horses went through the camp, yelling the praises of the donors.
§ 154. Division of the tribe into two hunting parties during the summer hunt.—Sometimes the tribe divided, each party taking in a different route in search of the buffalo. In such cases each party made its camping circle, but without pitching the tents according to the gentes; all consanguinities and affinities tried to get together. Those who belonged to the party that did not have the two sacred Hañga tents could not perform any of the ceremonies which have been described in §§ [143] and [151]. All that they could do was to prepare the hides and meat for future use. They had nothing to do with the anointing of the sacred pole, sham fight, and Hede-watci, which ceremonies could not be performed twice during the year.
§ 155. When the two parties came together again, if any person in either party had been killed, some one would throw himself on the ground as soon as they got in sight, as a token to the others of what had occurred.
§ 156. Two tribes hunting together.—Occasionally two tribes hunted together, as was often the case with the Omahas and Ponkas. Frank La Flèche says that when this was done some of the Ponkas joined the Omahas in the sham fight; but he does not know whether the Ponkas have similar ceremonies. They have no sacred pole, ʇe-san-ha, nor sacred tents, though they claim a share in the sacred pole of the Omahas, and they have sacred pipes.
§ 157. Hunting party attacked by foes.—When a hunting party was suddenly attacked by an enemy the women used to dig pits with their knives or hoes, and stoop down in them in company with the children, to avoid the missiles of the combatants. If the tribe was encamped at the time, the pits were dug inside the tribal circle. Sometimes the children were placed in such pits and covered with skins, over which a quantity of loose earth was quickly thrown; and they remained concealed till it was safe for them to come forth. On one occasion, when the Dakotas had attacked the camp, an Omaha woman had not time to cover the children with a skin and earth, so she threw herself over them and pretended to be dead. The Dakotas on coming up thought that she was dead, so they contented themselves with scalping her, to which she submitted without a cry, and thus saved herself as well as the children.
When there was danger of such attacks the people continued their journey throughout the night. So the members of the different households were constantly getting separated. Mothers were calling out in the darkness for their little ones, and the young men replied in sport, "Here am I, mother," imitating the voices of the children.
§ 158. Return of the tribe from the summer hunt.—The people started homeward immediately after the sham fight and the Hede-watci. But there were always four runners who were sent about five or six days in advance of the main body. These runners were always volunteers. They traveled all the time, each one carrying his own food. Not one waited for the others. They never pitched a tent, but simply lay down and slept. Whenever one waked, even though it was still night, he started again, without disturbing the others if they were asleep. They always brought pieces of meat to those who had remained at home. Their approach was the signal for the cry, "Ikiman´¢in ag¢íi, hŭn+!"—The messengers have come back, halloo! In the course of a few days all of the people reached home; but there were no religious ceremonies that ensued. They always brought tongues to those who had staid at home.
§ 159. Abae, or hunting the larger animals.—No religious ceremonies were observed when a man went from home for a few days in order to procure game. The principal animals hunted by the Omahas and Ponkas were the elk, deer, black bear, grizzly bear, and rabbit.
When a deer was killed it was generally divided into four parts. Two parts were called the "ʇe-¢íʇin" or ribs, with which were given the fore legs and the "ʇe-nan´qa" or hump. Two parts were the "ʇe-jéga" or thighs, i. e., the hind quarters. When the party consisted of five men the ʇe-nanqa was made the share of the fifth; and when there were more persons present the fore legs were cut off as shares. When an elk was killed it was generally divided into five parts. The "ʇe-ju" or fore quarters were two parts, with which went the fore legs. The ʇe-jega or hind quarters made two more parts, with one of which went the paunch, and with the other the entrails. The ʇe-nanqa was the fifth part; and when the elk was large a sixth share was formed by cutting off the "ʇe-mañge" or chest.
Frank La Flèche does not know how the black bears used to be divided, as there have been none found on the Omaha reservation for the past fourteen years.