For other reasons, Dinuzulu became very agitated about this time. The arrival of the Police on the 30th September, and especially their being stationed at Nongoma, twelve miles from his kraal, greatly upset him. He contemplated leaving Usutu and establishing himself on the Black Umfolozi, where the hunt had recently been held. He dispatched earnest letters to the Governor, Prime Minister, and Under Secretary for Native Affairs, asking for fair play, expressing confidence in his rulers, etc.; he followed these up, on the day that the troops reached Zululand (3rd December), with an urgent message through the Magistrate, Nongoma, portions of which ran as follows:
"I have heard that it is the intention of Government to send and take me by surprise shortly after Christmas.... I do not understand this, and want to know if there is any truth in it, as I know of no wrong that I have done. If Government think I am in the wrong over anything, why does it not place me on trial and punish me if found guilty? I am also surprised to hear that the court-house at Nongoma has been placed in a state of defence. Police are camped all round it.... Nothing is wrong in this division, as far as I know. The only place where things are wrong is Nkandhla division, and I am not responsible for what happens there; and in my opinion, ... these murders are being committed there on account of Government having given cattle which belonged to rebels to different people in that division, and the original owners of these cattle resent seeing their cattle in other people's possession."
In the meantime, however, seeing that the several murders and other crimes against public order recently committed in Zululand had caused widespread unrest and fear of violence to law-abiding people, and as, in order to restore order and confidence, it was imperative to arrest all persons concerned in the crimes, a proclamation was issued on the 30th November directing the strengthening of the forces in Zululand to enable the arrests to be effected. Orders were, at the same time, issued for the mobilization already referred to of the greater portion of the Active Militia. The troops actually called out were 188 officers and 1,928 of other ranks.
There was good reason to suppose that Dinuzulu's immediately available impi was comparatively insignificant, notwithstanding his hasty endeavours to augment it under the shallow pretext of the young men being required to 'weed his gardens.' Such appeals had been made to Chiefs living outside Zululand, viz. in Vryheid and Ngotshe districts. Mr. Meyer had reported "one sees at a glance that he (Dinuzulu) is a man of rank without followers." That the force dispatched to deal with him was so overwhelmingly strong, was due solely to the Government's wish to overawe armed rebels or others at Usutu against all forms of resistance. It was recognized that an outbreak at Usutu might be taken by the Zulus as the signal for a general rising. Another reason was that Silwana, a powerful Chief of Weenen, whose levy, it will be remembered, behaved unsatisfactorily during the Rebellion, was said to be calling on his people to rebel.
Units mobilized with the same remarkable rapidity that had characterized their movements in the preceding year, and were ordered to proceed by rail direct to Gingindhlovu. This station, on the Zululand coast and nearly twenty miles from Eshowe, was reached on the evening of the 3rd December.[319] On the same day, martial law was proclaimed, to operate, however, in Zululand only. Owing to the sudden, and necessarily sudden, mobilization, no preparation was made to fill up the places of those who had been called away. The ex-Commandant (Colonel Bru-de-Wold) was hastily summoned from Port Shepstone and asked to arrange for the defence of Natal in the event of hostilities breaking out in Zululand. The necessary organization was carried out in a thorough-going manner. The Reserves in sixteen districts (vide Appendix VII.) were called out and ordered to patrol their respective districts.
As soon as Dinuzulu's message was received, the Government, although the troops were by then well on their way to Gingindhlovu, thought it necessary to advise the Chief that there was no intention to take him by surprise, and that the Chief Commissioner of Police was being sent "to require him to surrender himself in order that charges against him might be tried." He was, at the same time, directed to proceed to Nongoma and there await the police officer.
A communication such as this could not, of course, do otherwise than bring about confusion among the troops that were concentrating at Gingindhlovu, through altering elaborate arrangements which had already been made for their subsequent advance.
The position, from the Government's point of view, was a difficult one, but with martial law proclaimed, and the troops actually in the field, the stronger and better course, perhaps, would have been to have referred Dinuzulu's communication to the O.C. Troops to deal with as he might have considered necessary under the circumstances. As it was, his hands were tied, and his plans considerably upset.
That the Ministry were not alone in their desire for settlement of a trouble inherited to some extent from their predecessors, can be seen from the following remarks by the Governor, Sir Matthew Nathan, to the Secretary of State: "Though I am doubtful whether this situation would have arisen if Ministers had at once, after the suppression of last year's Rebellion, or even at a later date, adopted the policy of amnesty and conciliation, and had thereby prevented Dinuzulu from acquiring the power he has done by protecting outlaws and by reason of the country remaining unsettled, yet I recognize that, under existing conditions, with a growing tale of unpunished murders attributed throughout the country to that Chief, it was not possible for the Government to remain inactive."[320]
The previous Government had, however, been out of office for over a year. During such time, the new Government had had, and had taken advantage of, opportunities of ameliorating the conditions as far as was possible. More was to follow as soon as time had been given to introduce some of the legislation recommended by the Native Affairs Commission. If the Government erred in not declaring an amnesty sooner, or in not releasing prisoners in larger lots than it did, that gave Dinuzulu no right to persist in disloyal and treasonable behaviour. At no moment could a general amnesty have cured such position as then existed. The fact that such policy had answered in other parts of the world, or even in Zululand after the 1888 disturbances, cannot be taken as a formula to apply to circumstances which happen to be similar in a few respects. Had a general amnesty been attempted sooner than it was, it would have been a blunder and enabled Dinuzulu, especially as rumours were current in Zululand at the time that he was going to secure an amnesty, to pose as liberator-general, although known to be actively and flagrantly disloyal. It would have been to place a premium on still more serious rebellion in the future. The only remedy was the one adopted, namely, to remove the source of mischief once for all. That the Ministers were not mistaken in the view they took, will be seen further on. As it was, between July and the issue of the warrants for Dinuzulu's arrest, some 500 to 600 prisoners had been released, whilst, as soon as the arrest was made, Ministers decided to release the remainder at short intervals, 300 at a time.