Living the indolent life he did at Usutu, he, as has been seen, became exceedingly corpulent. This, no doubt, is one of the reasons why, after the Commission referred to ceased to exist, he failed to visit Eshowe.
He, as well as the Commissioner, knew that his residing continuously at Usutu was an infringement of the conditions. His friends also, among them Miss Colenso, knew. It would have been possible for him, or for them, at any time to have insisted with success on the original terms being fulfilled. He might have been given a piece of land near Eshowe on which to locate a few of his kraals, as was done in the case of the previous Government Induna. For reasons best known to himself, nothing appears to have been done, not until he urged Sir Henry McCallum to take action, nearly ten years after his release. That the man was allowed to go on as he was doing, was undoubtedly an error on the part of the Governments. And yet the Imperial Government had, in 1897, foreseen with remarkable clearness what might arise. Here are the words of Lord Ripon:
"The internal politics of Zululand are such that under the arrangement referred to [i.e. installing Dinuzulu as a tribal Chief, with authority over a strictly-defined district, inhabited by devoted followers], Dinuzulu might, in the course of time, have been drawn into a false and embarrassing position with respect to the Government, however desirous he might be at the outset to work loyally under it."
When one looks back on this period, he cannot but wonder how it happened that successive Secretaries of State omitted to inquire how far the conditions under which Dinuzulu had been returned to his country were being fulfilled, and, if inquiries were made, why the Natal Government was not pressed to conform to the spirit and letter of the agreement.
One of the chief indirect causes of the Rebellion, as well as the key-note of Dinuzulu's trial, was the isolated position he occupied at Usutu. That it put him into a false position is undoubted; that Dinuzulu knew he was in a false position, and that he knew he was himself primarily responsible for being therein, admits of no question. The reason why he tolerated it was because he realized it gave him an opportunity of gradually building up his influence among the Natives without the knowledge of Government, until too late to exercise effective control. If responsibility rests to some extent with the Natal Government for permitting him to drift into the position he did, he himself (30 years of age when repatriated) cannot be absolved from blame, especially as it was at his own request that he was permitted to go to his tribe.
This is the state of affairs which anyone who desires to understand the underlying causes of the Rebellion must have clearly in mind. After leaving Eshowe, Dinuzulu assumed the duties of a Chief, though because of his parentage, not of an ordinary Chief, whatever the wording of the conditions might have been. Instead of being in close touch with the larger political and social affairs of the territory, as would have been the case had he continued to reside near the Commissioner, he preferred to limit himself ostensibly to those of his tribe and be under the jurisdiction of the Magistrate of the district within which his ward happened to fall. Being the eldest son and successor of Cetshwayo,—descendant of still more notable kings,—it was impossible to repress feelings of loyalty and affection exhibited towards him by many staunch adherents of the royal house in all parts of the territory. More than this, in consequence of the military assistance given him in 1883 and 1884 by the Boers, a large section of the north-western portion of Zululand was granted by him to the Boers. Such land, although promptly cut up into farms, was extensively occupied by some of his most devoted followers, among them the Baqulusi. To this day, the staunchest followers will be found in the districts of Vryheid and Ngotshe. If many people showed loyalty towards the senior representative of the royal house, it is not surprising that even greater devotion was displayed by those in the districts named. Nor is this all. With large numbers of those in Zululand and many others in the districts referred to (which, of course, were under an entirely different government,—for annexation to Natal did not take place until after the conclusion of the Boer War), it is only natural to suppose that numbers of other Natives in Natal, Transvaal and elsewhere should also have become partial to Dinuzulu. With the increase of European population in Natal, scarcity of land, higher cost of living and higher rents, in addition to other exacting conditions, Natives keenly felt the necessity for having a protector of their own flesh and blood—someone whom they could trust to voice their interests, and one who, because of his rank, would ensure adequate and prompt attention being given thereto. The more Dinuzulu allowed these exhibitions of feeling to go on, the more Natives in an ever-widening circle looked on him as their natural champion, and as one who in every way ought to lay their grievances before the Government. They wanted him to stand up for them with a view to the ancient life, habits and customs—with which, for so many centuries, they had been intimately associated—being allowed to continue with less restrictions and innovations than had become customary. Dinuzulu, of course, had no complaint to make on account of receiving these demonstrations. He would have been the last person in the world to have complained about such a matter as that. It would have been unnatural in him to do so. He felt and knew he was being gradually driven by multitudes, living far beyond the confines of his own area, into a position much falser than the one in which, as we have seen, he had deliberately placed himself. But it exactly suited his plans. In his dealings with the Natal Government, he perpetually bore in mind that behind him was the Imperial Government. His constant effort was apparently to bring about by degrees such a state of affairs in Zululand as to induce, if not compel, the latter Government to intercede with Natal on his behalf, and get himself appointed Paramount Chief, instead of being merely an Induna and Chief. The latter appointments, although accepted by him, were not really to his liking; they were restrictive, and derogatory. In the countries of Basutoland and Swaziland, formerly subject to Zululand, there were Paramount Chiefs. In India, too, many states had their Feudatory Princes or Paramount Chiefs; what had Zululand done, asked Dinuzulu, to be so discriminated against as to be without a Native protector of its interests? Even the Boers, though recently conquered, had been granted the most liberal form of autonomy.
Throughout the time he was at Usutu, up to the outbreak of rebellion, is nothing but a tale of the spreading of his influence by one means or another in all directions, and this notwithstanding the clearly-expressed condition that it was not as Paramount Chief that he was returning to Zululand. With such an environment, the people so prone in many parts to regard him as their natural head, is it surprising that when the mysterious order that all pigs, white fowls, European utensils, etc., were to be killed or discarded was circulated, reference should have been made to him by many to ascertain his will and pleasure?
One of the ways in which his influence was considerably augmented, but which involved him in trouble with the Government at a later time, occurred towards the conclusion of the Boer War. Guerilla warfare was then going on in the Transvaal and elsewhere. To denude country occupied by the Boers of stock was recognized as one of the most effective means of bringing hostilities to a close. The idea of organizing raids along the north-western border of Zululand occurred to the authorities, whereupon one Colonel Bottomley was dispatched to arrange accordingly. Bottomley went to Dinuzulu and, without obtaining the authority of the Natal Government, ordered the Chief to arm and assemble his men. Dinuzulu reported to the Magistrate, who objected to Natives being employed in such way. The Magistrate, however, as well as the Commissioner, were overruled under martial law, then in force in Zululand, whereupon Dinuzulu went forth with some twenty-four companies (i.e. about 1,500 men), and, at a hill called Dhleke, successfully performed the required duty. It is claimed by him that, in consequence of this demonstration and other assistance in the shape of scouts, the magistracy was prevented from being attacked, as happened at four other magistracies in Zululand.
During the Dhleke expedition, besides looting stock, some firearms were taken from a Boer waggon. Dinuzulu seems afterwards to have attempted to call in the guns, but, because there had been bloodshed (a couple of his force having been killed), his men refused to produce them. He declares that Bottomley then allowed the men to retain the guns. Later, in 1902, the Magistrate ordered the weapons to be brought in for registration. A few that were produced were not, apparently, returned to the holders. Such retention seems to be the reason why other holders refused to produce theirs. The matter seems then to have dropped. It is idle to suppose that Dinuzulu could not have called in every gun had he been so inclined. Universally-recognized Zulu law requires that all loot shall go to the King as a matter of course, who thereupon deals with it as he sees fit.