CHAPTER VII

SUFFRAGE AND ELECTIONS

Nature of the Elective Franchise.—The right of suffrage, that is, the right to take part in the choice of public officials, is sometimes said to be a natural and inherent right of the citizen, but in practice no state acts upon such a principle. The better opinion, as well as the almost universal practice, is that suffrage is not at all a matter of right, but a privilege bestowed by the state upon those of its citizens who are qualified to exercise it intelligently and for the public good. No state allows all its citizens to vote; all the states restrict the privilege to those who are at least twenty-one years of age; all confine the privilege to those who are bona fide residents of the community; and some require educational, property, and other qualifications of various kinds. On the other hand, eight states allow aliens who have formally declared their intention of becoming citizens, to vote equally with citizens in all elections.[20] The terms "voter" and "citizen," therefore, are not identical or synonymous.

Existing Qualifications for Voting.—In the early days of our history restrictions on the voting privilege were much more numerous and stringent than now. Most of the early constitutions limited the privilege to property owners, and some prescribed religious tests in addition. It is estimated that at the beginning of the nineteenth century not more than one person in twenty had the right to vote, whereas now probably the proportion is two in five.

Federal Restriction.—In the United States the power to prescribe the qualifications for voting in both national and state elections belongs to the individual states, subject only to two provisions: in fixing the suffrage they cannot abridge the privilege (1) on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, or (2) on account of sex. The first provision is found in the Fifteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution, adopted in 1870, and its purpose was to prevent the states from denying the privilege of suffrage to negroes who by the Fourteenth Amendment, adopted in 1868, had been made citizens of the United States. The second provision is in the Nineteenth Amendment adopted in 1920. These provisions do not, however, prevent the states from limiting the privilege on other grounds, such as illiteracy, criminality, vagrancy, nonpayment of taxes, and the like.

The Residence Requirement.—In the first place, all the states require residence for a specified period in the state and in the election district in which the voter exercises his privilege of voting. The purpose of this requirement is to confine the franchise to those who have become identified with the interests of the community, and to exclude outsiders or newcomers who are unfamiliar with local conditions and unacquainted with the qualifications of the candidates. The required length of residence in the state ranges from three months in Maine to two years in most of the Southern states, the more usual requirement being one year. The period of residence required in the county or election district is shorter, the most common requirement being three months in the county and one month in the election district.

Educational Tests.—In addition to this requirement, nearly one third of the states insist upon some kind of educational test. Connecticut in 1855 was the first state to require ability to read and write. Massachusetts followed her example shortly thereafter, and the precedent set by these two states was soon followed, with modifications, by California, Maine, Wyoming, New Hampshire, Delaware, and Washington.

The adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment in 1870, which indirectly conferred the right to vote on the negro race, and the unfortunate results which followed the enfranchisement of the large mass of blacks in the South, led some of the Southern states to adopt educational and other restrictions to diminish the evils of an ignorant suffrage. Mississippi in 1890 took the initiative, and required ability either to read the constitution of the state or to understand it when read by an election officer. South Carolina followed her example in 1895, but with the modification that an illiterate person who was the owner of at least $300 worth of property should not be disfranchised. Louisiana, Alabama, North Carolina, Virginia, Oklahoma, and Georgia followed with restrictions based on similar principles. In several of these states, however, the educational qualification does not apply to those who were voters in 1867 (when the negro race was still unenfranchised), or to their descendants, or to those who served in the army or navy during the Civil War. But in 1915 the Supreme Court of the United States decided, in the case of Oklahoma, that these so-called "grandfather" provisions were unconstitutional.

Other Persons Excluded.—Most of the states deny the right to vote to convicted criminals, idiots, and insane persons; some, particularly those of the South, insist that the voter must have paid his taxes; some exclude vagrants, paupers, and inmates of public institutions.

Woman Suffrage.—For a long time women everywhere were denied the right to vote, even long after their civil disabilities had been removed. The principal arguments advanced by the opponents of woman suffrage were: that active participation of women in political affairs would tend to destroy their feminine qualities by forcing them into political campaigns, and thus causing them to neglect their children; that it would tend to introduce discord into family life by setting husband against wife on political issues; that since women are incapable of discharging all the obligations of citizenship, such as serving in the army, militia, or police, they ought not to have all the privileges of citizenship; that a majority of the women did not desire the privilege of voting; and that men could be trusted to care for the interests of the whole family.