9th, Sunday. Pinxter (Whitsunday). Domine Niewenhuyse having recovered from his sickness, we went to hear him preach, in order not to give any cause of offense at the last. His text was the usual one.
10th, Monday. The second day of Pinxter. We had several visitors whom we received with love and affection, each one according to his circumstances.
11th, Tuesday. We called upon Ephraim, from whom we received in charge some spermaceti, with orders to send him from Amsterdam a good new Bible. He presented us on behalf of his wife, who was not at home, two beautiful otter skins, which we dared not refuse, and accepted with thanks.
The governor, attended by his whole retinue of ladies and gentlemen, escorted Carteret, the governor of New Jersey, in great pomp home to Achter Kol. As we are now about to leave New York, and the affair of the Heer Carteret appears to be finished, which happening during our stay here we should have noticed from time to time, only we thought it was not well to write then what we saw, for various reasons, we do not regard it improper now to state what we heard of it.
These two governors lived at first in friendship and concord. Carteret came often to New York, and generally to church, when he usually went to the governor's, in the fort. A difference afterwards arose between them, but the cause of it I have not heard, or whether it was personal or public. It is certain, however, that the governor of New York wished to bring Carteret and his government, to some extent, into subordination to him. Carteret claimed to be as perfectly governor of his province as the other was of his, and to possess the same prerogatives as the governor of New York, and even more than he, in respect to trade and other privileges. The governor of New York disputed with him all right of navigation, declaring the North River was under his own jurisdiction, and therefore all persons who passed in or out of it must acknowledge him, pay him duties, and even unlade there, and actually commenced seizing some vessels. Carteret thereupon complained to England, and the governor of New York sent Captain Dyer over there as a commissioner, which he disavowed with an oath, as it is said. This Dyer returned with skipper Jacob, or about that time, but with what instructions I do not know. There also arrived with him a collector for Boston, on behalf of the king, as they said, which was contrary to their privileges of liberties, and he was therefore never acknowledged as such by the merchants there.[390] From this time forth the governor of New York began to act more stringently towards Carteret, and also towards his own subjects. Carteret obtaining information of what had been done in England by Captain Dyer, called together all the principal men among his people, who represented under their signatures the circumstances of the case, and sent the paper to England. The governor of New York went to Staten Island, as to the jurisdiction over which they disagreed, and sent for Carteret to come there in order, as he said, to negotiate with him in peace and friendship. Carteret, probably perceiving his purpose, refused to go, and requested of him if he had anything necessary to communicate to come to him, as he was now not far from his residence, and as he, Carteret, had been so frequently at the fort in New York, he should come once to his house, where he might be assured he would be welcome. Hereupon the governor returned again to New York with his object unaccomplished, and shortly afterwards, by proclamation, declared the nullity of the government of Carteret; that at the most he was only the head of a colony, namely, New Jersey; and that he was guilty of misusing the king's name, power, and authority. He sent boats several times to Achter Kol to demand the submission of the place to his authority, which the people of Achter Kol jeered at and disregarded, being ready to uphold the king and their own governor, whom they bound themselves by an oath to maintain. This occurred repeatedly, and Carteret said that so far from wishing himself to oppose it, he would, on the contrary, immediately submit, if the governor of New York would produce the least authority from the king for what he claimed or did. He however never brought forward anything of the kind, but continued his proceedings; and at night, and unseasonable hours, and by surprise, took from New Jersey all the staves of the constables out of their houses, which was as much as to deprive them of the power to act. Seeing he could accomplish nothing by force, he declared the inhabitants released from their oaths to the Heer Carteret; they answered they could not acknowledge any release from their oaths, unless by the same authority which had required it of them or the exhibition of a higher one, that of the king. At length he corrupted one of Carteret's domestics, for Carteret had no soldiers or fortifications, but resided in a country house only. He then equipped some yachts and a ketch with soldiers, arms, and ammunition, and despatched them to Achter Kol in order to abduct Carteret in any manner it could be done. They entered his house, I know not how, at midnight, seized him naked, dragged him through the window, struck and kicked him terribly, and even injured him internally. They threw him, all naked as he was, into a canoe, without any cap or hat on his head, and carried him in that condition to New York, where they furnished him clothes and shoes and stockings, and then conducted him to the fort and put him immediately in prison. When they seized him at Achter Kol the armed boats had gone home, and the seizure was accomplished through treachery. Two of the head men of Carteret immediately took possession of his papers, such as were of importance to him, and travelled, one to Maryland, and the other, crossing the upper part of the North River, to Boston overland, and both to England, in order to remonstrate. The governor sent immediately to Achter Kol, took possession of the place, posted up orders, and caused inquiries to be made for the man who had set Carteret over the river, but without success.
While Carteret was in prison he was sick, very sick, they said, in regard to which there were various surmises. Meanwhile a court of assizes was convened, to which on every occasion the governor was conducted by three trumpeters in advance of him. Carteret was brought before the same court, after him. The governor had caused a seat to be erected in the court room high up above all the others, and higher than usual on which he sat. Governor Carteret, as a criminal, was in the middle. The court being seated, the governor presented Carteret as guilty of misusing the king's name, power, and authority, and usurping the government of New Jersey; that he was only the head of a colony, etc. Whereupon Carteret, having the right to speak, said it was far from his intention to seek to defend his case before that court; he did not acknowledge it as a court having power to decide his case, because in the first place the question could not be determined in a court of assizes, as it did not concern a private right, but the right of the king; in the next place, if such a question could be disposed of in such a court, this nevertheless could not act, because he was not subject to its jurisdiction; and thirdly, because it was a court of one party, and he said this without wishing to offend any of the individual members of the court; yet notwithstanding all this he was content that he and his case should be brought before them in order that they might be witnesses of what was done and to be done. As to what the governor of New York alleged, he said it was wonderful to him that he should be thus treated, and that they should dispute a matter which neither the governor of New York, nor his court, nor any one in the world had ever disputed, or with reason could dispute. The governor said he had never acknowledged him as governor of New Jersey. "It is surprising," said Carteret, "that at one time there can be disavowed before all the world, what has been assented to before all the world at another;" and thereupon he took out of his pocket several letters of the governor of New York, all addressed to the governor of New Jersey. The governor did not know what to say to this except that he had so directed them because Carteret was generally styled governor, and not because he was so in fact; "for," said he, "although I have done that, can I therefore make you governor?" "No," replied Carteret, "but the king has made me governor, and you as well as all the world have acknowledged me as such." The acts of the king in relation to the governorship were then produced, and it was found that the one to Carteret was some time older than that to the governor of New York, and therefore, said Carteret, it is to be preferred. The governor of New York replied, "mine is more recent, and yours is therefore annulled by it." "That is to be shown," rejoined Carteret. Although the governor of New York had employed a lawyer, he could not succeed. When at last the jury retired, in order to consult among themselves, Carteret exhibited letters from the king himself, in which he called him governor of New Jersey. The jury returned and declared Carteret not guilty of what was charged against him. The governor made them retire a second time, saying to them it would be well for them to consider what they did, as more depended upon the matter than they imagined. They came back a second time with the same verdict. Whereupon the governor became very angry, and caused them to go out again with threats that they should look to what they did, as there was too much depended upon it, for themselves, their entire condition and welfare. Whereupon Carteret told them they had nothing to fear in committing themselves into the king's own hands who had given him authority. Again the jury returned and gave in the same verdict: that as Carteret was not under them and did not acknowledge them as his judges, they could not do otherwise in the case; but they advised Carteret to return to his house and business at Achter Kol as a private individual until the case be decided by higher authority, which Carteret was willing to do, not because it was a sentence of theirs against him, or even their advice, but because he was compelled to do so and could not at that time do otherwise. And thus the affair stood at our departure, the governor taking him back to Achter Kol with all the magnificence he could. Some think this was all a made-up piece of work, and that the governor of New York only sought to possess the government and had no design against the person of Carteret; and having obtained what he wanted, had no other or better means than to release him with some show. The principal persons who have assisted the governor herein are Captain Dyer before mentioned, Captain Nicols,[391] and some others. This matter transpired before all the world. The principal speeches which were made in court were related to us and as regards the other transactions we saw them. It is fortunate we were there when the affair terminated, as we were thus enabled to understand the nature of this government as well as of the governor.[392]
As to what the governor has done in regard to his own subjects: wherever they lived, they had the right to do whatever they considered best for a livelihood; but as this country yields in abundance everything most essential for life, if the inhabitants so apply it, its shipping does not amount to much, for the reason that they have everything at home, and have little occasion to borrow or buy from their neighbors; and as the exports or imports were not much, and produced few customs or duties, in which his profit consists, there was little bought from the merchants of articles obtained from abroad. There was therefore no profit from that source to them or him—for he also is a merchant, and keeps a store publicly like the others, where you can buy half a penny's worth of pins. They usually make at least a hundred per cent. profit. And here it is to be remarked, that as Fredrick Flipsen has the most shipping and does the largest trade, it is said he is in partnership with the governor, which is credible and inferable from the privileges which Frederick enjoys above the other merchants in regard to his goods and ships. Now one of the principal navigations of this place is that with Barbados, which formerly did not amount to much, for the people could obtain the productions of Barbados cheap enough from Boston, which had a great trade with that island, and where its productions are cheap in consequence of their exemptions from duties, for they paid scarcely any duty, customs, or other charges. As no French brandies can come into the English dominions, they can not be imported into New York, though they are free at Boston; and as New Netherland is a country overflowing with grain, much liquor was distilled there from grain, and therefore they had no necessity of going elsewhere to buy strong liquors. This brought no profit to the merchants, but on the contrary a loss, for in the first place a large quantity of grain was consumed in distillation, by which means the grain continued too dear, according to the views of the merchants, who received it from the poor boors in payment of their debts, there being no money in circulation; in the second place, it prevented the importation of rum, a spirituous liquor made from sugar in Barbados, and consequently any duties; and thirdly, the merchants did not realize the double percentage of profit, namely, upon the meal they might send to Barbados, and upon the rum which they would sell here. The governor therefore prohibited the distilling of spirituous liquors, whereby not only were many persons ruined who supported themselves by that business, but the rum which had to be procured from the merchants rose in price, and they sold it as high as they pleased; on the other hand the price of grain fell very much, because it could not be consumed, and the merchants gave no more for it than they chose. And thus the poor farmers soon had to work for nothing, all their sweat and labor going with usury into the pockets of the tradesmen. The trade to Barbados now began to increase, and the merchants and the governor to make more gains. The common people, who could not trade to Barbados, but could buy what they wanted at Boston as cheaply as they could order it from Barbados, sent their flour to Boston, and obtained their goods much cheaper than their own merchants sold them. But as this was contributing too much to Boston, although the trade had always been free there, and was injuring the profits of the merchants of New York, the governor forbade any further trading to Boston; though the people of Boston should have the privilege to come and buy at New York on their own account. This took away almost all the trade with Boston, which had been very large, and straitened the farmers and common people still more, while the merchants became, if not re, at least great usurers and cheats. The grain by this means fell still lower in price, and while we were there the people could not obtain more than four or five guilders in zeewan for a schepel of fine wheat, that is, sixteen stivers or one guilder of Holland money.[393] On the other hand, the merchants charged so dreadfully dear what the common man had to buy of them, that he could hardly ever pay them off, and remained like a child in their debt, and consequently their slave. It is considered at New York a great treasure and liberty, not to be indebted to the merchants, for any one who is will never be able to pay them. The richest of the farmers and common people, however, in company or singly, sent their goods to Barbados, on their own account, and ordered from there what they thought proper; and although they had to pay duties, and freight to the merchants for the goods which were carried in their ships, they nevertheless saved to themselves the profits on the goods. The governor at last has forbidden any flour to be bolted except in the city, or to be exported, unless [the exporters] come and reside in the city, and buy their burger or trader-right, which is five beaver skins, and has forbidden all persons whomsoever from carrying on trade, except those whom he licenses, and who know what they must pay him yearly, according to the amount of their sales. All goods sold outside of the city, in the country, must be bought in New York, and not imported on private account from abroad. Madame Rentselaer had even erected a new bolting mill before the last harvest by his advice, which was not yet in operation, when he prohibited bolting. Such was the situation of affairs when we left there. It is true that all goods imported into the South River from abroad had to pay not only import but also export duties, but those bought in New York, or from the merchants there on their own account, pay little or no export duty. And it would appear as if the whole of the proceedings with Carteret and him were founded in this, if they have no higher cause.
They say now, as he has accomplished these objects in regard to his own people and Carteret, he will turn his attention to the Quakers on the South River, who assert that they are not subject to his government, and also to the people on the Fresh River [Connecticut], who claim to be members of the republic of Boston, and even to those of Boston; but whether all this is designed by him is doubtful.[394]
The shoemakers, in consequence of the abundance of hides and bark in the country, have prepared their own leather; but as it was not necessary that every shoemaker should have his own tannery, some of them have put up several tanneries jointly, and others who were not so rich or had not so much to do, had their leather tanned by them, or tanned it themselves in those tanneries, satisfying the owners for the privilege. The proprietors of the tanneries began to exact too much from those who had their leather tanned, whereupon the poorer ones complained to the governor about it. He seized the opportunity to forbid all tanning whatsoever, and to order that the hides should be sent to Europe, and the leather ordered from there for the purpose of making shoes, or else ready-made shoes imported. By this means the farmers and others would be compelled to come and sell their hides to the merchants, who would give for them what they chose, he would derive taxes and duties from them, and the merchants their freight and percentage of profit; leather which is dear in Europe would pay perhaps taxes once or twice there, and freight and taxes or duties again here; the merchants would have their profit, and then the shoemaker would get the leather for the purpose of making shoes. A pair of shoes now costs 16 or 20 guilders, that is, four guilders in Holland money;[395] what would they cost then? And as labor in Europe is cheaper than here, it is certain that shoes made there would be cheaper than the leather would cost here, and thus all the shoemakers here would be ruined, and all their means go to the governor and the merchants. This subject was under discussion, and had not yet gone into effect when we left. As they discovered that leather is contraband, I think the order is stopped for that reason. The intention however is evident.
He has taken away land from several country people, and given it to others who applied to him for it, because it was not inclosed, and he wishes, as he says, the land to be cultivated, and not remain waste. But it is impossible that all the land bought in the first instance for the purpose of being cultivated by the purchasers or their heirs, as they generally buy a large tract with that object, can be put in fence immediately and kept so, much less be cultivated. He has also curtailed all the farms in the free colony of Rentselaerswyck, as well as their privileges. Some persons being discouraged, and wishing to leave for the purpose of going to live under Carteret, he threatened to confiscate all their goods and effects. He said to others who came to him and complained they could not live under these prohibitions: "If they do not suit you, leave the country, and the sooner you do it the better."