The eternal enmity in Novgorod between the strong and the weak; the rich and the poor; the rooted hostility of haughty merchants and opulent traders to craftsmen and land-tillers; and the rivalry among the ambitious for power and offices raged unceasingly. From of old a large number, and at times a majority, were attracted to the Russia outside of Great Novgorod. There had long been partisans of Vladimir among Novgorod boyars, men who thought it well for their country to act with Vladimir and even to be merged in it, but there were also implacable opponents to either coöperation or union, and these nourished hatred for Vladimir at every hazard. On the Vladimir side were all the more or less well-to-do people, the peace men. Therefore it seemed as if the adherents of Vladimir were only the well-to-do, and the satisfied, who cared not for the poor; but this was not the case. On the side of Vladimir were the land-tillers and common folk.
When Nevski took power in Vladimir he placed his eldest son, Vassili, in Novgorod. Vassili could not oppress Novgorod; he was too young for such action. He was, also, a real Novgorod partisan, [[280]]as he showed later on by contemning his father. These partisans were supported by the mob of the city, men without houses, with nothing to lose at any time, and nothing to gain except what they could win through disorder. They were advocates of the loudly lauded “Novgorod liberties.” They appeared, though untruly, as friends and defenders of working men. But working men saw in boyars who “loved liberty” their chief and main enemies. They saw in them persons who sought liberty for themselves, but not for “small people.” Among these boyars were the very rich, the proud, who recognized no man beyond their circle. In all riots, no matter how many there might be, these great and rich persons directed the councils and managed the city. Some of them claimed to love liberty and poor men; others did not go that far. But in cases of riot both divisions of those “great people” strove to hold the street mob at command. They put forward bold rioters, who cared not for small or great persons, but found profit in disorder. And when during encounters the people came to examine the question at issue, or had at last to interfere in those matters, such confused causes were presented that it seemed beyond human power to explain them. Each side appealed to the rights of Great Novgorod and the good of the people, but the people could never find out the real cause of the disturbance, or where there could be any profit for them in the turmoil.
Just such a riddle was offered in the case of Vassili, son of Nevski. There was a party in Novgorod which had pretexts at all times for rousing the people, and beclouding good counsel. As Mongol oppression increased and taxes and tribute grew heavier, oppression of all kinds gave designing men chances for evil incitement. They needed simply to shout: “We are defending our liberties against cursed eaters of raw flesh. Away then with favorites of the Khan, slaves to Mongols!” and the conflict would begin.
In 1255 Novgorod disturbers summoned Yaroslav as prince to their city. Nevski was astounded when he heard that his son had been driven away in disgrace, and that his place had been given to Yaroslav. Why could Yaroslav serve Novgorod better than Vassili, unless because Yaroslav was in disgrace at the Horde, and under the Khan’s anger? Nevski moved at once against Novgorod. In Torjok, where he met his son, he learned still newer details of the riot from Novgorod men, who had come out to [[281]]meet him. The city was terribly excited, disorder had taken unusual proportions. Yaroslav had fled when he heard that his brother was coming. The posadnik at that time was Anani, a well-known opponent of Vladimir. The adherents of Vladimir, who were, of course, favorable to Nevski, strove to allay the excitement, and bring back Vassili, but they also had an object apart from this: their leader was Mihalko Stepanovitch, whom they wished to make posadnik; therefore they accused Anani of causing the disturbance, and tried to expel him from office. Mihalko appeared boldly against his opponents, and the people were divided. It seemed to uninformed observers as if Mihalko’s adherents were seeking merely for the profit of boyars. “Were they not mainly those rich men, who cared not for poor folk, while Anani’s adherents were simple men, standing up bravely for liberty and the honor of Novgorod?” The excitement became greater and greater. Nevski, having drawn near, sent a command to Novgorod to put an end to the riot, and give him Anani. Through this the excitement was not decreased, but heightened immensely,—nay, it became general. The outbreak was involved by the fact that Anani, though a known enemy of Vladimir, proved to be innocent this time. The disturbers on both sides had abused his name greatly. One party promised to die for him, the other to throw him into the river, and drown him. Some declared that the whole riot was made to protect their good guardian and defender, while others represented him falsely as the banisher of Vassili, and the father of every known evil. Those in arms against Mihalko encamped at Nikola, and swore to die for Anani.
When Nevski was approaching, they asked of one another, “What shall we do?” and finally resolved not to surrender any of their people. The “small folk” kissed the cross, declaring: “We will defend Novgorod rights and live or die for them.” When Nevski commanded them to surrender Anani, all were confused, and, not knowing what course to pursue, they went to Dolinot, the archbishop, and counseled. They knew Nevski’s persistence, they knew that when he had once taken a position he would not retire from it, and to the demand these words were added: “If ye will not yield me Anani, I am no longer your prince, I will march straight against you.” They decided at last to beg Dolinot, [[282]]and Klim, the commander, to go to Nevski in the name of all Novgorod, and say to him: “Come, Prince, to thy throne and give no ear to offenders. Work thy displeasure on Anani and others.”
The two men went to Nevski as ambassadors. All waited their return with impatience. The prince listened neither to Klim nor to Dolinot. When they returned and announced their failure, there was sorrow on both sides. In the meeting which followed, people said with one voice: “It is a sin for those men who have brought us to quarrel with Nevski.” They came almost to bloodshed, and if blood did not flow the whole merit belonged to Anani. Mihalko with his men was ready to fall on Anani’s adherents, but Anani sent secret observers to note all that was happening. When the adherents of these two men came to blows, and the mob rushed to burn the house of Mihalko and kill him, Anani stopped them, saying: “Brothers, if ye wish to kill him, ye must take my life from me first.”
The third day after this, Nevski’s forces stood fully armed before Novgorod. On the fourth day he sent again a message to the city, but now it was changed somewhat: “Remove Anani from office, and I will forgive you.” All yielded willingly, and Anani himself before others. They gave the office to Mihalko, making peace with Nevski on his own terms. Prince Vassili was seated in Novgorod again, and his return should have pleased the city, since his reign was not without profit. The Riga Germans, and also the Swedes, had begun new attacks on the Novgorod borders, and frequent raids were made by the Lithuanians. Vassili won victories over all these enemies. The Lithuanians were crushed; the prince pursued them far west of Toropets. The Germans withdrew before the Pskoff warriors, and the Swedes were badly defeated.
This new attack of the Swedes disturbed Nevski, hence he came to Novgorod with large forces, and commanded the city to assemble fresh regiments. The point of his intended attack was kept secret. Cyril, Metropolitan of Russia, came with him, and conducted the prince and his troops to Koporye. From there he sent him on his journey, after blessing the warriors, who learned then that their campaign was to end in that region where in summer the sun does not set for six months, and in winter does not rise for the same [[283]]length of time. This locality—the country of the Lopars, later called Lapland by Germans—was the remotest part of Novgorod possessions, and was visited rarely, for it had not been assailed hitherto by the enemies of Russia, but about this time the Swedes were endeavoring to take those lands from Russia, and connect them with Sweden.
This was among Nevski’s most striking campaigns. Marching along difficult cliffs and through dense forests he finally reached the sea. The wearied Novgorod men now refused to go farther, though they had made but half the journey, so Nevski sent them home and finished the campaign with his own personal followers, who were as untiring and fearless as their prince. He won all the seacoast, and returned bringing a multitude of prisoners, and leaving the country behind him in fear and obedience. Nevski’s men had before this pushed through the gloom of Yatoyag forests; they had made paths through wooded swamps in Lithuania; they had suffered from blizzards in Trans-Volga regions; they had endured all kinds of hardship and toil in campaigning, but they had seen nothing like that which they experienced in this war against Chuds and Lopars (Fins and Lapps). Nevski had now marked with his sword, for the use of coming ages, the Finnish boundary of Russia.
Whenever Nevski went to the Horde he was distinguished beyond other princes; they did not detain him too long; they granted his requests, and dismissed him with honor. When he brought with him Yaroslav, his brother, as he had brought Andrei earlier, the Khan forgave Yaroslav, who after that remained quietly in his own possessions. And when an order came from the Khan to send forces beyond the Terek near the foot of the Caucasus, the Russians were freed from this service at Nevski’s request.