Oh! we have reason to be proud of our toiling countrymen, and cheerful for the future. Nor does the necessary modification of the test lessen this a whit. It merely proves that our brothers are conscientious. Away with the shallow prate of their being servile to priestly or other influence, where freedom of their country is at issue. This sort of calumny was useful to the bungling chiefs we wot of, chiefs who would fain pass for martyrs, though the honor of their country were smirched by it.
The people of Ireland are not servile to the priests, even now, when they are being put to so hard a proof. A proof how different from that of ’48! For what man could have given a reason worth a flea-bite against taking up arms against slaughter—against slaughter, however great, in a fair fight—aye, or even foul? The arguments of such man might be met by the unquestionable—unquestioned—example of the highest ecclesiastics of our Church, not excepting popes and even saints. Whereas now, there is an appearance (an appearance only, I maintain, for I defy all men to give me a single rescript bearing directly against us) of hostility on the part of the Church, which, wielded skilfully by the men so revered by our brothers, may well strike terror in the believing soul. I will, however, go so far as to assert that, even where the words of the priest are implicitly believed, numbers of the people would accept the worst—that is, threatened damnation—rather than be false to the cause of Ireland! Can as much be said for any other men on earth?
I regret that numbers of the people would do so; and these, together with those who, happily, do not scruple to take the test, would give us an organization equal to the work to be done.
But, convinced of the earnestness of the men so suffering through their conscience; who so callous as to persist in subjecting them to a life of ceaseless agony? I believe, too, that however unswerving in their truth to us, the arms of these men would necessarily be feebler in the day of strife. Besides, the conditions of a test would keep vast numbers, not a jot less eager for the fray, out of our ranks forever. I say nothing of the risk involved in the test. That risk, however, is, while a serious consideration for the chief who would not needlessly sacrifice a single man, but a slight check on the people who would be—nay are—deterred from joining us by the voice of the priest.
It was in order effectively to countercheck that voice that I decided on the course you are aware of. And now I feel bound to say, that spite of my faith in the result of the struggle, the necessity of prompt and effective succor on the part of our brothers in America, seems great as ever.
I am convinced, that with a little assistance—even without any—from America, we can bring the men at home to a fight; but to produce anything better than disastrous massacre, a good deal must be done on your side.
On the other hand, I am equally convinced that a great deal may be done by you, if the work began by me be fairly carried out. And here, I speak in the name of God and their native land, to the men who encouraged, or got others to go into this movement, that they do the work of earnest men, laboring night and day for their country and their honor, so that their last hour may be free from remorse or shame, and those who come after them may proudly say:
“Is truadh gan oighre ’n ar bh farradh.”
For the bearer of this, John O Leary, I expect the highest possible courtesy, respect, and even deference, as my representative; and, through me, the representative of the Irish cause; you will soon perceive that he is an able man of high intellectual culture; his bearing, too, will prove—what I assure you of—his high principles of honor, and convince you how devotedly he loves Ireland. To you, however, I might say that, spite of all these high qualities, our differences on many serious things are so very great that, had I a choice of men of such intellectual calibre and honor, I would not urge on him a mission so little to his taste. For, in the abstract—as a matter of taste as well as judgment—he is not a republican.
This alone would seem to disqualify him for the work to be done by him in America.