Hane's services and sufferings were not unrewarded. Before he started the Council of State had voted that £100 a year in Scottish lands should be settled upon him 'to encourage him and his family to settle in this nation.' On November 1, 1653, Mr. Moyer, on behalf of the Council, moved Parliament to give effect to this recommendation. He reported 'that there is one Major Hane, by birth a foreigner, who hath performed many eminent services in the war of Scotland; hath very great skill in fortifications and all matters relating to the profession of an engineer, and is of very great use at this time in services of that nature; that he is a person eminent for godliness, and of undoubted affection to this commonwealth.' Parliament, however, in a fit of economy, or because it knew nothing of the nature of Hane's services, negatived the vote without a division[24]. This was merely a postponement of his reward. On June 26, 1654, Cromwell's Council of State voted that an ordinance for naturalizing Hane should be prepared, and agreed to another ordinance settling lands to the value of £120 a year upon him. Eventually the naturalization ordinance was made to date June 26, 1654, and that conferring the lands July 27 of the same year, and both ordinances were confirmed by Cromwell's second Parliament on April 28, 1657[25]. Hane meantime had returned to his duties in Scotland, where he no doubt superintended the erection of those forts at Inverness, Leith, Ayr, and Inverlochy, which were built to bridle the Scots. It is not improbable that the plans of those forts, which still exist in Worcester College Library, were drawn by Hane's hand. William Clarke, the owner of the plans in consequence of his position as secretary to General Monk, was necessarily acquainted with Hane; and the narrative of Hane's adventures in France was doubtless copied by Clarke from Hane's original manuscript. The copy is dated as begun on October 14, 1657, which proves that Hane must have committed his story to writing within a very short time after the events had occurred.

In the summer of 1657 Hane was called to a new sphere of action. Cromwell had allied himself with France, and 6,000 English soldiers had been despatched to Flanders. In September Turenne and Sir John Reynolds laid siege to Mardyke, for which purpose the Protector had promised to provide artillery and mortar-pieces. Hane was sent for from Scotland to take part in the siege. He had just obtained leave from Monk to go to England, on account of the dangerous illness of his wife, and Monk's messenger overtook him at Alnwick and brought him back to Scotland. Before he could sail however Mardyke had fallen. On September 29, 1657, Monk wrote to congratulate Thurloe on its capture, and in the same letter announced Hane's departure: 'You may acquaint his Highness that Mr. Hane sett sayle from hence on Saturday morning last the wind being very fair. Hee had his tackling fixt, and everything ready to play his morter-piece, as soone as a platforme should be layd for it; being hee could not gett those materialls there, which hee carried with him, wee thought fitt to provide him heere, and wee hope hee was there on Monday last.' He was immediately sent back to England to report to the Protector the state of his new acquisition. Lockhart wrote on October 3 to Thurloe that in order that his Highness 'might want no informatione that can be given him concerning that place, Mr. Hains, the ingeneer (who hath visited the place and consithered all the defects of it), will be with his Highnesse before these can come to your lordships hands.' When Dunkirk fell Hane was again summoned to inspect and add to its fortifications, but he was taken ill immediately after his arrival. On August 11, 1658, Lockhart informed Thurloe of his death. 'Mr. Hains the ingeneer is dead. I endeavoured all I could to cherish him, both before and during his sicknesse; but the poor man was so desperately mallancholly, as I could not perswade him it was possible for him to live[26].' He had survived all his perils and borne them with a stout heart, only to die a commonplace death and to have it attributed to lack of resolution.

The
Journall of Mr. Joachim Hane
his Passages in France in
the yeare 1653.

A SHORT Relacion of the severall wonderfull passages which I did meete withall in my jorney into France.

When by the Lord's providence who disposeth of all the wayes and actions of man, I had undertaken a jorney into France upon some private occations, Anno. 1653, tending towards Rie, where being come I found a ship ready to goe to Rouen, in Normandie, which I made use of for my transportacion thether. Having set sayle on the 11th of the same wee crossed the sea with a faire wind, and came upon the coast of France on the 12th of October by day breake in the morning without any impediment, and entred the River's mouth. Wee met with a small man of warr, which being licenced to robb by a comission from the Scottish King, made an attempt upon us even within the River of Seine, having noe regaurd at all to the nation right of the King's dominions; but wee made all the resistance wee could, changing some shotts with him for the space of halfe an houre, till hee dispared of his enterprize, and wee were carried upp by the floud farther into the land. Being thus free from the pirate, wee arrived at Quillebeuf that day. There I left the ship and went by land on horse back to Rouen, from whence after three dayes rest I directed my course to Parris and after to Orleans, where I tooke boate and went downe the River of Loyre to Nantes, vissiting by the way the Citties of Bloys, Amboys, Toures, Saumeur, and Angeirs. From Nantes I went to Rochell by land with the messager, and thus farr I had reasonable good sucses in my intended jorney.

But when the Lord intended to carry mee through a faire tryall, wherein I might more experimentally learne to know his power and strenght, his knowledge and wisdome, his love and care over his children, and his faithfullnes to all those that put their trust in him, hee suffred the malice of sume pernicious sperits to worke upon me. The beginning whereof happened in this manner. Being come to Rochell I went to inquire of a marchant of whom I was to receive a sume of monny by bill of exchange. And among the rest I mett with a companie of 6 or 7 persons, most of them being Flemings, standing together in the publique meeting place, where the merchants as upon the Exchang at noone and in the evening use to come togeather. In this companie, as I was enquiring of them for the said marchant, there was found a Scott, who whilst I was receiving instruccion of a Fleming to find out the merchant, looked very ernestly upon mee; and at last tooke an occacion to aske mee whether I was not an Englishman or noe: 'for I am very confident,' said hee, 'that I have seene you at Edinburgh or with the English army.' I replyed I had indeed spent some time in England, where perhaps hee might have seene mee, but for Scotland I never had beene their. He againe answered, that yet for all that he durst lay a wager that I have seene you their, though you deny it. And so I declyning to have any further discourse with him we had no more words together, nor did I ever speake with him any more after that tyme.

Now whilest I was inquireing for my marchant, and discoursing with the Scott after the manner expressed, their was also a Frenchman in the number of the company who was a familiar aquaintance and constant companion of the Scotts, for all the weeke after I continued their I never saw either of them aloane, but alwayes both of them very intimatly conversing together. This Frenchman being but of a meane quallity, and in the judgment of my further experience a man of a hungry condition, after he had heard both my inquiry for the marchant and the questions the Scott putt to me, went to the said marchant on purpose to learne what my expeditions were with him, what sume of money I had to receive of him as also the progresse of my journey: namely whither: when: and by what occasions I would goe from Rochell. For being void of all suspition of tretchery I did freely aske councell of my marchant which way I might with most safety goe from Rochell to Burdeaux; who because he could not retourne my money to Burdeaux by Bill of Exchange, advised me to take the said money in gold, and goe by water from Rochell to Burdeaux by the way of Mornack and Regan where their was no danger to be feared. The which councell I did embrace, and went accordingly on the 18th of November from Rochell to Burdeaux on a small hoy wherin their weere severall other passingers: and amongst the rest this Frenchman, the Scotts companion formerly mentioned, who undertooke the journey from Rochell to Burdeaux on purpose to try whether either by order or by any other action he might gett advantage against me; to which end he had drawne three others of the passengers more to his side, that his designes against me might be carried on with more strength and authority. These compliants oft shewed themselves very active along the journey; first by insinuateing themselves into my company by various discourses, and by diveing into my affairs with all manner of subtill questions, and afterwards by frameing and deviseing many frivolus and groundless accusations against me; though neither of my discourse nor of my carriage they could borrow any more matter of suspetion, then the Frenchman formerly mentioned had instiled into them aforehand. After we were come therefore upon the River Garonne, and got soe hye as Blaye (which is a small towne with a cittadell where the cheife Governour of Bourdeaux doth reside, and where all customes for importacion and transportacion are discharged) myne adversaryes, which were now increased to the number of foure more, went to the Governour of the place, desiring a gaurd from him to conduct mee as a suspect'd person to prison, the which was granted them; whereupon I was taken out of the hoy that I came thether in, and was placed with the gaurd and myne adversarye into a greate open boate to goe directly for Bourdeaux.

Heare I came to know those whome had a hand in myne accusacion, who otherwise before that in all the jorney caried themselves very courtiosly towards mee, but now began their trecherous malice against mee openly, all their former complements and courtious usage being now degenerated into mockings and scoffings and spightfull langage. For all the way up to Bordeaux they used all possible endeavours to agravate to the highest measure the affliccions of my mind by all manner of reproches and affronts they put upon mee. They contryved as it were a comidy, or rather a tragedie, whereby they laboured to set forth to the life my future suffrings, introducing severall persons, whereof some acted the hangman's part, some the condemned prisoner's, some bore other officers parts, making the mast of the boate for a payre of gallowes, while I perforce was the sad subject of their hopes, I was to undergoe both in my torture and finall execucion, making continuall repetition of such lamentable cryes and dullfull exprecions as I should use if I came to feele the unsufferable torments of racking. And more over they would perswade now and then that I was ingaged to them for their insolences; for said they 'all the paynes wee take in our play are intended for your learning.' They called upon all the people they met upon the River, desiring them that if they had a mind to see an English saint hanging on the gallowes they should repair to Bourdeaux within two or three days.

With such and the like pastime wee arrived at Bourdeaux about 4 of the clock in the afternoone, where the gaurd that came with mee from Blaye was discharged, and I carried to a greate house in the Citty, which I tooke to be a house of entertainment because a great supper was their prepared for my sake, though without myne order, and likwise three of mine adversaryes being Rochellers intended to lodge their. But before we came to the house, because they would spare no meanes to increase my terrors they called the hangman, because our way fell out by his doore, recomending me to his care; who very courteously received me, promissing and engageing to me all his abillityes to be ready for my service. After I was lodged and sufficient care taken for me in the said house, myne accusers were very busye in provideing all necessaryes for my examination; wherupon severall persons to the number of seaven or eight did appeare their an houre before supper tyme, and went into a roome by themselves to advise upon the questions they intended to put unto me. And againe by the tyme that we had made an end of our supper the hangman came also, with two of his servants or attendants bringing his instruments along with him. After supper was done I was called to those eight men that were come to try me; for they continued their ever since they came, and supped also in a roome by themselves, but I and myne accusers supped in another roome. And when I came in unto them they demanded of me from whence I came, whither I intended, what my expeditions were in Burdeaux, what my aquaintance were that I had their, item what countryman I was and of what profession, whether I had skill in the Lattine tongue, whether I had beene long in France? Other frivolus questions they put to me, viz. where I had beene in such a yeare and at such a tyme of that yeare, what my busines had beene their, where my parents lived; and many other trifleing demands they asked me. Myne answers to all these questions they tooke in writing, on purpose to propound them againe to me in the midst of my tortures, where in case I had not answered according to trueth they thought it would be impossible (as indeed it would have falne out so, for to speake the trueth in all things did not consist with my safety at that tyme) for me to remember the same expressions to all those questions they had made to me, that so having found me in severall tales they might have the stronger grounds of their suspition against me.

Thus haveing made an end of this examination of myne they replyed, that those answers of myne had no conformity with those informations which upon sufficient grounds they had received conserning me; for said they, I had endeavoured to deny my native country, affirming myselfe to be a Germain, notwithstanding that I was an Englishman. Item that I denyed that ever I had any relation to the English army, although they were assured without contradiction that I was an officer of that army, and had beene upon service with the same in Scotland. Item that I had denyed to have any correspondence with any of the inhabitants of Burdeaux and Rochell, whereas it was not possible that I should travaile to so far a country without some recomendation at leastwise to some marchant; and since I had refused to relate the trueth in these things I must of necessity be guilty of some great designe or conspiration against their country, the which to prevent they did hold it their duty both to their kinge and country to bring me to a cleare confession by all possible meanes. Wherupon they desired me to resolve unto them without fraud or deceit these following questions. By whom I was sent thither? 2ly what myne instructions were for my expedition? 3ly what correspondency I had in Rochell and Burdeaux? 4thly what charge I had in the English army, and lastly in whose hands those 1200 livres were which according to their well grounded information I had at my disposeing at Burdeaux? This last query was meerly devised by my accusers on purpose to begett in the coveteous magistrate a more earnest desire to afflict me with the more cruell torments, which might (as it often happeneth) cause me to confesse even such things as perhaps I was not guilty of, and so to be willingly condemned to dye rather then to suffer the intollerable greife and anguish of tortureing, which neverthelesse in themselves without any further condemnation would have prooved destructive to my life; for they myne accusers were after my conviction to have all the meanes that I had about me for their good service they had done in betraying of me, although in myne examination they were never brought in to confront me for all that I earnestly begged it.