Not for harmony of rhythm, but for the deep inward feeling, which they manifest, the verses composed by him, after he had become convalescent, in two different periods of sickness, are truly remarkable. They show us the sources of his faith and activity, and a character, which even in view of what appeared to be his last hour, remained true to itself. An admirer of Zwingli in modern times, still keeping faithfully to the thoughts, has altered the language to that of our century, and in this form they may also be admitted here.[1]
| In the beginning of sickness: | |
| Lo! at my door Gaunt Death I spy; Hear, Lord of life, Thy creature's cry. The arm that hung Upon the tree, Jesus, uplift-- And rescue me. | Yet, if to quench My sun at noon, Be thy behest, Thy will be done! In faith and hope Earth I resign, Secure of heaven-- For I am thine! |
| When the disease gained strength. | |
| Fierce grow my pains: Help, Lord, in haste! For flesh and heart Are failing fast. Clouds wrap my sight My tongue is dumb, Lord tarry not, The hour is come! | In Satan's grasp. On Hell's dark brink, My spirit reels,-- Ah! must I sink? No, Jesus, no! Him I defy, While here beneath Thy cross I lie. |
But his vigorous constitution surmounted the disease. About the end of autumn signs of convalescence began to appear, and he gave vent to his joy, at the prospect of restoration to life and activity, in the following stanzas:
|
My Father God, Behold me whole! Again on earth A living soul! Let sin no more My heart annoy, But fill it, Lord, With holy joy. | Though now delayed, My hour must come, Involved, perchance, In deeper gloom. It matters not Rejoicing yet I'll bear the yoke To Heaven's bright gate. |
Thus sickness did not cause him to waver in his settled convictions, but filled him, on the contrary, with new courage. Yet the last poem shows us that a foreboding of a darker fate in the future was by no means strange to him. Indeed, not long after his recovery, he expressed himself still more clearly in a similar strain to his friend Myconius. After a glance at the dangers which surrounded Luther, he continued: "Whatever may befall me, I, already marked out as a victim, look for every thing evil from the clergy and the laity. I only pray Christ for courage to bear all with a manly heart, and that he may crush or strengthen me, his laborer, as may seem good to him, and, should I even fall under excommunication, I will think of Hilary, that learned and holy man, who was banished from Gaul to the deserts of Africa, and of Lucius, who was driven from the Roman See, and afterwards brought back with honor. I will not liken myself to such men, who though greater than I, still endured the greatest evils. But should one glory await me; may it be, to suffer shame for Christ! Yet, let him, who thinketh he standeth, take heed lest he fall."
That he could thus express himself to his best friend only by letter and no more see him in person at his side, belonged to the bitter trials of his life at this time. Myconius had just then accepted a call to the highest professorship in his native city Luzern, and Zwingli found himself deprived of half his support, "like an army"--he said--"one of whose wings is cut off in the presence of the enemy." This man, by reason of his moderation, had great influence with the clergy and the laity, and often became a useful mediator between them and the impetuous Zwingli. There was no one now to persuade the Reformer to use milder measures; and the complaints of the canons, summed up in a letter to his superior, the Provost Frei, only provoked him to a repulsive answer. These related chiefly to the imposition of tithes, the main source of revenue to the church, and an unjust burden in the eyes of the majority of the nation. The people's priest was expressly pledged by the statutes, to take care of the conscientious disposition of the tithe, and to insist upon it as a religious duty in his discourses. "Instead of which"--says the letter of the canons--"he denies the divine origin of the tax, and seems to regard it as tyranny, if it be strictly enforced. Is it any wonder that the people stick to him? He makes us odious to the laity, calls the monks 'theologians of the cowl,' and whatever he hears bad of them, he talks about it in the pulpit." It is almost certain, that the Provost, when Zwingli had conversed somewhat earnestly with him concerning these charges, was ashamed of the memorial of his subordinates. At least he cherished no hatred toward his person. On the contrary, some months later, he exerted his utmost influence to induce the chapter of the canons, without consulting a higher spiritual court, to simplify their worship and alter the breviary of the cathedral, "because it is impossible in this age to keep up any longer the multitude of holidays, ceremonies and ecclesiastical customs, which have been accumulating for centuries." In the same manner Zwingli was afterwards, upon his own request, admitted into the number of the canons.[2]
Thus far in Zurich the external condition of the church remained the same. The agitation was confined to the souls of men. In the mean time this was little felt beyond the limits of the canton. Neither the Confederates, nor the Bishop, nor the Pope, nor his legates found any occasion to interfere; and now again it was from political events, that the first general movement took its rise.
The Perpetual Peace was concluded by Francis I, in the hope of paving the way for a closer alliance with the Confederates. He needed and sought after their soldiers; he wished to take them away from his enemies. He, therefore, sent to them some of his men of business, who were best acquainted with our country and its inhabitants; lavished gold in abundance, and held in his employ some of the most active Swiss as recruiting officers. Among these, Albert von Stein, a Bernese, was the boldest and most indefatigable. He was well known in the canton of Zurich. He had relations and connexions there. His appearance always gave rise to an excitement, and in some districts of the country at least, the youth did not lend an unwilling ear to his voice. When by the election of Charles V. to the throne of the German Empire in the year 1519, the French King saw his hopes vanish, he redoubled his efforts to secure the wished for defensive alliance, and a favorable hearing first of all in Bern and Luzern. Most other places joined with them. Only Zurich, Schwyz, Basel, and Schaffhausen stood out against it. At length, in April 1521, the three latter were also won over. On the 5th of May, the treaty was subscribed in Luzern by twelve states and all the places subject to them, and at the same diet the resolution was passed, to make a last general endeavor, to prevent Zurich from withdrawing by herself.
It is mentioned by Bullinger and all his contemporaries that Zwingli spoke out decidedly against this treaty from the pulpit and whenever he found opportunity; and they seem to infer from the strength and clearness of papers concerning it issued from Zurich, that he had the chief hand in their composition. But the Confederates worked against him with just as much zeal. Not only did envoys from Bern, Luzern, Uri, Unterwalden, Zug and Solothurn, along with the French ambassador Lameth, present, in the name of all the others, petitions, expressions of regard, and even hints at grievous consequences in case of a refusal, but written letters came also from the rural districts and congregations, demanding a subscription of the treaty. Albert von Stein and others like him, were seen traveling repeatedly from place to place throughout the canton.
Under these circumstances the government resorted to a natural expedient. It declared that it must first hear the voice of the people, and then the great council would decide.