From now on every public voice in favor of foreign mercenary service was compelled to silence, and its avowed or secret promoters hid their resentment or left the canton. In fact the most notorious among them threw up their citizenship in Zurich. But the entire party of those, who remained in their native country, conceived the fiercest hatred toward Zwingli. "He was blamed," says Bullinger, "most of all for having prevented the union by his preaching and divided a brave confederacy. The distinguished pensioners and soldiers, as well as others, who had heretofore run after him and praised his sermons, now reviled Zwingli as a heretic. Many, to whom religion had never any special charms before, now pretended a great interest on its behalf, saying, they would defend the old, true faith against the heretic Zwingli, yet the secret of their zeal was not in their faith, but in the bags of the royal exchequer. Hence there arose among the other confederates a strong hostility against Zurich and abuse and slander against Zwingli." Still the cause of the people and the uprightness and fidelity, which maintains an oath, triumphed in the end.

The ground-pillar of all national prosperity is confidence, faith on the part of the people in their government, and on that of the government in the sound and just sense of the people. No constitution or laws, sacred as they may be in the eyes of the honorable citizen, no so-called policy, which rests on a system of deceptions, no rude strength of a dominant party, can ever supply the place of faith--faith, which alone inspires to nobler action. Hence the necessity in the state for religion also, which is the same as faith purified In every wise government therefore it will be a chief concern that the religion of the people be a sound one, i.e. one that will be justified by its practical results, for in regard to these only can we look for unanimity of opinion.

Christianity, freed from all the unwarranted additions with which national prejudice, narrowness and love of spiritual domination have striven for centuries to disfigure it, has no reason to shun this trial, out of which it can only come forth more glorious and divine. Of this Zwingli had been fully persuaded by his zealous study of the Holy Scriptures. Hew naturally the idea rose in his mind, to make this trial before the people themselves, who had hitherto been bound in the fetters of a religion, which addressed them only by authority, instead of before councils exclusively composed of clergymen and lords! Still it was a great venture. The weakened eye, when suddenly brought forth from the darkness, is blinded even by the purest light; the healthy one alone can endure the splendor of the sun. And yet upon this very power in a decided majority of his countrymen Zwingli relied, and the memorials, which we have just read, might have fully convinced him that sound sense was really at hand. But ought this claim to be preferred in political matters, and not in ecclesiastical also? Thus much is clear, that from this time forward Zwingli's endeavors took this direction.

If the bishop would deny him a hearing or condemn him contrary to justice, he intended to appeal not to ultra-montane Rome, ignorant of the German language and the German character, but to the judgment of his own nation, to the decision of an independent government entitled to act in the case, and the rule should be the Holy Scriptures, an unassailable code of laws acknowledged by all. And thus the fundamental idea of the Reformed Church naturally arose, which in its development has been more clearly defined rather than corrupted,--limited rather than extended. To follow out and discuss this subject is not our business; hence we turn back to Zwingli.

He had now preached for three whole years in Zurich, and the agitation, as we have seen, was certainly great. Still no one had as yet violated existing church-usages or actually assailed them. No opportunity for public interference on the part of the temporal and spiritual authorities had yet occurred. Indeed it was the policy of the Nuncio to keep in with the influential Reformer, since, as the deputy of a prince then at war with France, he was proscribed by the other twelve cantons, and could only hope for protection in neutral Zurich, where he anxiously sought it.

During Lent in the year 1522 several individuals ventured for the first time to transgress the episcopal ordinance in regard to the eating of meat, in a dissimilar manner it is true. Christopher Froschauer, a printer, having in the course of his business visited the Frankfort Fair, and become thus acquainted with Luther's writings and a witness of the spiritual awakening in Germany, had, when compelled by labor severer than usual, partaken along with his workmen of more strengthening food than was allowed, yet without concealment on the one hand and without seeking publicity on the other. For quite different reasons William Roubli, an outlawed clergyman from Basel, whom Zwingli himself has styled a rash and foolish babbler, and Hans Gunthelm, an impudent deserter, had not only done the same with great parade and loose talk, but had attempted also to induce other families to join them. Gladly did Zwingli's enemies seize this opportunity to lodge complaints before the Council. An investigation was held and Froschauer defended himself with dignity. The Council desired the opinion of the chapter of canons, the three people's priests in the two cathedrals and at the church of St. Peter, and thus the battle began in the very midst of the authorities. The parties were nearly balanced, more talent on the one side, greater numbers on the other.

The result was an affirmation of the rights of the Pope and the bishops, and a feeble explanation, which left the government free scope to act for itself--and it all ended in a simple reprimand to the transgressors. But Zwingli's opponents were by no means satisfied. They applied now to the bishop, and a few days after, Melchior Vattli, suffragan of Constance, John Wanner, cathedral-preacher, and Doctor Brendlin appeared with an embassy to the chapter of canons. At this very first interference of the high ecclesiastical dignitaries, the affair took a direction, which it retained in every step that followed. "What Zwingli himself has to say in regard to this event deserves careful attention.[4]

"When"--he writes to his friend, the canon Erasmus Fabricius, then pastor at Stein--"on the seventh of April the ambassadors, of whose approach I had already been apprized, had reached Zurich, I wished much to learn what their purpose might be. But night had set in, before my faithful assistant, Henry Luethy, came with the news, that the notarius (as he is called) had an order to summon all the priests to attend early in the morning in the hall of the convent. I esteemed it a good omen, that the business was to be opened by a courser so dull and limping. Scarcely had we assembled on the morrow, when the bishop began in a fashion, which I will portray further on in the conduct of affairs before the Council. The whole speech was violent, threatening and haughty, although he carefully abstained from any personal allusions to myself and even avoided calling me by name. His declamation over, I stepped out, thinking it unbecoming and pusillanimous not to neutralize an address, that might do so much injury, especially because I could perceive by their smothered sighs, and read in the paleness of their faces the strong impression it had made on several priests, who shortly before had been won over to the Gospel and were not yet firm as rocks. Concisely and boldly I replied to the suffragan, in what sense and spirit, let the valiant ones, who have heard me, judge. The most important part of it you will learn meanwhile, when I come to describe the session of the Council. The speakers withdrew from this wing, as though he were beaten or put to flight, and hastened to another field of combat, namely the hall of the Council, where, as some of the members informed me, they brought it forward, likewise sparing my name, yet with the declaration, lest I might perhaps be called in, that they had nothing to do with me. After a short discussion, it was resolved to have as full a meeting of the Great Council as possible on the following day, and also to guard against the admission of the people's priests, as there was no dependence to be placed on them and their language, so unexceptionable, could not be contradicted. Through the whole day I tried my utmost to gain admission for us, but in vain. The burgomasters refused me, falling back on the resolution of the Council. I was now compelled to retire, but besought Him, who hears the sighing of the prisoner, that he would not leave the truth helpless, and that he would protect His Gospel, which he had commissioned me to preach. On the ninth the Great Council came together. 'It is unfair,' many were heard to say, 'if the people's priests are not allowed to appear;' but the Small Council protested, holding firmly to its resolution. Nevertheless the vote was carried against its protest, and the majority decided in favor of our presence with the privilege at the same time of making replies, if we should find it necessary. Thus, as Livy says, the greater number did not overcome the better; no, the greater and the better triumphed. Not in the least degree do I permit myself to censure the Small Council for this; no: I wish only to show how powerless intrigues are. Now, after the ambassadors had been introduced, they suffered us also to enter, the bishops of Zurich, Henry Engelhart, doctor and people's priest at the cathedral of the Virgin--Rudolph Rœschli of St. Peter, and me Ulric Zwingli.

"After the exchange of salutations and the episcopal benediction the suffragan began with a voice so mild that I never heard a sweeter, so that if head and heart had only been in unison, Orpheus and Apollo would have been obliged to yield to him in grace, and Demosthenes and the Gracchi in eloquence. In vain would I attempt to communicate to you the discourse entire. It was confused and much too long. Meanwhile I had noted down the chief points in my tablets. It is greatly to be deplored--said he--that there are some who teach in a perverse and rebellious spirit that we are no longer bound to observe human precepts and ceremonies. Thus not merely the civil laws, but the faith of all Christendom also must go to the ground. Yet ceremonies are a manuduction (he employed this word, instead of the German 'introduction,' before men, who did not understand Latin) to virtue. Indeed ceremonies are a source (he afterwards denied having used the word) of virtues. We may teach that fasting is superfluous, because some have dared to separate themselves from other Christians and from the Church by the eating of meat. We may appeal to the Holy Scriptures whilst they contain no direct expressions bearing on the subject, go against the decrees and Councils of the Holy Fathers of the Church, against most venerable usages, which without the aid of the Holy Ghost could not possibly have endured so long, for Gamaliel once said: If the work be of God, it will stand. Then he reminded the Council that outside of the Church no one can be saved, and as though he had not talked enough, he came back once more to ceremonies. At last he concluded with a neat peroration and rose up to retire along with his companions.

"Sir Suffragan--said I, (I, peasant, ought to have used 'Gracious Lord')--may it please you and your associates to stay, till I have justified myself in my own name and in that of my colleagues? He replied--We have no commission to dispute. I do not intend to dispute but to utter publicly and freely what I have hitherto taught in presence of these honest men, before you, learned scholars and ambassadors present with a commission from the bishop, so that it will be deemed the more worthy of belief if you yourself are obliged to find it true; if not, then let the contrary happen. We have not--said the saffragan--spoken against you, hence there is no need of your vindication. You have indeed kept back my name; but your speech was none the less aimed at me. As the combatant in the water said to his antagonist, you say to me: My blow is not aimed at you, it is aimed at the fish. For this reason you were not to use my name, because you could thus charge me, who am called Zwingli, with the greatest crime in the safest manner. Whilst we were contending in this style, the burgomaster Roist tried to induce the deputies from Constance to give us a hearing. The saffragan answered, that he knew very well whither this thing would lead; that Ulric Zwingli was too violent and rude, so that he could not meddle with him honorably and keep the path of moderation. By what then--I asked--have I ever injured you? Or according to what law must I, an innocent man, zealous for the cause of Christ, be so heavily and bitterly assaulted, and yet not be allowed to defend myself? Indeed--or do I deceive myself? I would have ventured to hope, that the Bishop of Constance, though opposition to the pure doctrines of the Gospel had found foothold elsewhere, before he took the words of others instead of mine, would make himself acquainted with the whole affair, especially through you, whom he has now chosen as his legates on account of your learning. What would you do if in your absence I would turn to the Council and refuse to hear you as judges? And now, since I wish your presence so much, in order to be able to give in an account, how dare you deny me? The deputies repeated what they had said before. If I wished to lay anything before the bishop, in regard to his doctrine, I could write to him. Now--said I--if no arguments can persuade you to show me this favor, I beg you by our common faith, our common baptism, for the sake of Christ our Lord and Saviour, if you durst not listen as ambassadors, do it then as Christians. Here arose an indignant murmur among the councillors and at last, being exhorted by the burgomaster, and feeling themselves the unworthiness of the opposition, they took possession of their former places."