The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli

by Johann Jakob Hottinger

The earliest traces of a fire, which afterwards broke out destructively, began to appear first on the evening of the second day. Mention has already been made of Conrad Grebel, Zwingli's previous friend and admirer, and also of his father, the councilor Jacob Grebel. The history of this family, truly told, would be a warning for all, who expect from the chances of fortune that happiness, which is only to be found in contentment and a pure conscience. A skillful man of business, frequently employed in the affairs of Zurich and the Confederacy, the father had formed extensive connections. His house in Zurich was always open to the ambassadors of foreign princes and distinguished allies; in consequence of which his expenses gradually became greater than his income. His sons and daughters grew up. Their welfare and that of the family was sought in splendid living. The elder daughter became prioress of the convent of Œdenbach; the younger, at a later period, the wife of Vadianus; she was the most fortunate of the children, the only one happy till a ripe old age. One of the sons entered the service of the Archduke Ferdinand as a gentleman of the bed-chamber; the other, Conrad, lived at Vienna and Paris on sums of money, which the father knew how to obtain from the Emperor, the King of France, and Duke Sforza of Milan. His extravagance aided not a little in the ruin of the family. More and more the father put himself under dangerous obligations to strangers. He did it too, after the penalty of death had been affixed to the taking of foreign pensions. Already had one son been dismissed from the service of the Archduke, and Conrad returned home in shattered health and burdened with debt. The convent at Œdenbach was broken up; the mother tormented by sickness, domestic calamities and her own passionate disposition, increased the general misery. Then the bribery of the father came to light, and an old man, with snow-white hair, he ended his days on the scaffold, in 1526. His dignified behavior, when led to the block, excited universal pity. Some months before he had begged the authorities to pardon his ruined son, the chief cause of his misfortunes.^[13] For himself, he would not do it. What value would a longer life have had in view of such a downfall!

We have anticipated, in order to show the fate of the family in its connection; the thread of our story now leads us back to Conrad. To no common abilities he had joined industry and a thirst for learning in his earlier youth, and knew how to gain the good-will of Zwingli and Vadianus. Many letters bear witness of the friendly relations in which he stood toward both; but his character gradually became worse, and he could not escape the never-failing consequences of debauchery. Not the body only, but the spirit also, sinks under them. Peace vanishes from the soul; insight into the sphere of duty and the relations of life grows dim. Still, at times a nobler feeling awoke within him; he acknowledged the justice of his sufferings, bewailed his folly and strove to break loose from his fetters; but then again he would accuse others, especially his father. How severe and dreadful is the language which he uses in a letter to Vadianus: "My father would discover my crime, if the beam in his own eye did not hinder him from seeing the mote in mine. He does not know what I have had to suffer on his account, since he first caused me to be fed by the Emperor and then by the King of France. Had he taught me to get along with a small patrimony according to the national custom; had he not wished me to soar higher, as my wings grew, in the track of his other son, then would I not be troubled, when the betrayers of the fatherland are cursed, lest my father should be included among them; then would I not, when such are spoken of, grow now red with shame and now pale with fear, lest they should say my father was a French hireling; then would I not be irritated; then would I not be compelled to tremble for a speedy discovery; then would I not have to think of restitution; then perhaps had I never bartered my freedom for gold and my honor for sordid metal. The King flays his people and snatches the food from their mouths like a wolf, that he may adorn his person and fare sumptuously, and would have once been able to bring me to God knows what, if my native city had raised me to honor and dignity. O that it were granted me, to plunge from this misery into another, or to escape both, and reach the shore from the wreck in a happier hour! Is this denied me? then do I set myself against fate and the gods and will brave the torture, till their wrath is satiated in my grave. Glad am 1 that the plague, which still spared many, during the past autumn, has broken out here again in the course of this month!"

Thus, Zwingli's labors in Zurich began to stir up base elements, along with what were truly noble and pure. People, who were lacking in means to rise, and often justly low in public esteem, now called out likewise for change, so that their old incapacity, or their old sins, might be forgotten. The deeper the agitation, the more they hoped to gain. Then already Grebel was numbered among them; the better spirit had wholly forsaken him. Others of a like stamp clustered around him. To stand with Zwingli they would have needed purer morals, more labor of the mind, and above all self-denial. This would not do for them. They must outstrip him therefore, in order to gain their end the more quickly.

It has already been remarked, that the first traces of their disturbing influence appeared at the close of the disputation. Lame, frivolous were the questions about mere externals in the administration of the Supper, the form of the bread, the kind, as how it ought to be brought to the mouth, the time of taking it which Grebel started--difficulties that he would find everywhere; then, supported chiefly by Simon Stumpf, people's priest at Hœngg, he impugned the right of the government to issue ordinances; all evidently designed to produce an excitement, to rouse the spirit of sect, to make himself a party. With generous forbearance Zwingli answered him, but here again Conrad Schmied spoke out against fanaticism and a rage for destruction. He brought the insurgents to silence, and then proceeded to deliver an ample discourse on the need of better instruction, which met with general approbation. His spiritual superiors had hitherto refused, for good reasons, to inform the people. "The more need"--continued he--"is there, that you, dear Sirs, should take the work boldly in hand. For money, you have helped many an earthly prince to his land and his subjects, help then, for God's sake, Christ our Lord to his dominion and honour."

No one opposed this. Then Zwingli spoke one more, begging all to hold firm to the Gospel, and never to despond as long as they leaned upon it. "What is done from the best motives will be misrepresented by falsehood and slander. Thus it had been said here and there yesterday evening that we would now degrade the body and blood of Christ into sleeping-cups. No!"--cried he--"no one certainly wishes to do this." Tears interrupted his speech and many other were heard to weep. "If God will"--said Leo Judæ--"we will all stand by the Gospel, and cheerfully will I, if need be, lay down my life for it. They may kill the body, but the soul they can not kill. The Scripture ought never to be used for quarrelling, or display, but for the improvement of our lives, and if perchance I have spoken too harshly to any one, during the present Conference, I ask his forgiveness." Zwingli did the same. The presidents now laid down their office with a petition for Hottinger and the other prisoners, in which the Abbott of Cappel, the Commander of Kuessnacht and the Provost of the Great Minster joined.

The issue of this Conference formed a new epoch for Zurich. The government prudently resolved to do nothing rashly, to change nothing suddenly. Even images and relics should not be taken from the churches for a while, yet, where it was possible, covered, locked up, but in no case injured. He, who wished to read mass, or to assist in the reading, was permitted once more to do so. The rules of fasting also were to be observed; but the Great Council had already put forth the declaration, that in spiritual affairs it would henceforth be the court of decision with the advice of the people's priest, or bishops, as it styled the pastors of the congregations in a public document.^[14] Hottinger, on account of his rash conduct, was banished from the canton for two years, and Lorenz Hochruetiner, who with foolish obstinacy had repeated the act, for life. Several associates of these "Idol Stormers" had to lay down considerable sums as bail for their peaceful behavior. Simon Stumpf, people's priest at Hœngg, whose name occurs above, was obliged to leave the country, till permission for his return could be granted, "on account of his rough sermons, speeches and other things he had done."^[15]

The most pressing want, just then, was the instruction of the ignorant priests of the people. Hence, by order of the government, Zwingli prepared a small book, under the title of "Christian Introduction," in which the chief articles of evangelical doctrine, and founded on these, a decision against the former dogmas and practices of the Church were brought together in the plainest possible language. This was placed in the hands of all the preachers in the canton, with the summons to adhere to this pattern in their discourses. At the same time it was sent to the governments of the collective states, to the bishops of the Confederacy and to the University of Basel, with the request that it might be tested and refuted, if it contained any points at war with the Gospel. The government, it is to be observed, had made up its mind to wait a full half year for refutations, and then, if nothing arrived, to proceed to the removal of abuses, and the introduction of a new church-order.

The reformation of the state kept pace continually with that of the church. No one was more thoroughly convinced than Zwingli, that the civil was the result of the religious corruption, and vice versa. Soon after the end of the Conference he again delivered a vehement discourse against the mischief of pensions, traces of this evil being still apparent and it required no great penetration to perceive, that it stood in connection with the spirit of fanaticism, which began to show itself toward the close of the disputation. After this discourse, on the 21st of December, 1523, the burgomaster and the councils took an oath against all pensions; on the day before, the entire priesthood had done the same. Transgressors were threatened with capital punishment.

Meanwhile the Bishop of Constance had sent a very detailed report on the Introduction, to the Council of Zurich, with the notice, that in drawing it up he had availed himself of the advice of several universities. A committee, consisting of nine of the most learned clergy, four members of the Small and four of the Great Council, were ordered to give it a careful examination, and on their motion the whole of it was read aloud in the assembly. As Bullinger informs us, "all agreed, that there was little ground for it in the Divine Word."

A similar judgment was passed by another committee, appointed to examine the objections raised against Zwingli, during the present Conference, by the canon Hofmann and several members of the Chapter.