From the earliest period of the Confederacy down, a mutual friendship had existed between Bern and Zurich. In the old wars against Zurich, when all the Confederates appeared in hostile array against her, Bern had stood out for a long time; and at great sacrifice, had endeavored to bring about a reconciliation, and was the first to reach out again the hand of peace. She thankfully acknowledged the true help, which Zurich had afforded her in the Burgundian wars. Not seldom was she solicited to act as mediator, in disputes, which Zurich had with her own subjects, and always discharged her commission with kindness and honor. In the quarrels also with other states, arising in consequence of the reforms in Zurich, she took no part in the hostile measures contrived against her, and the insults offered to her ambassadors; on the contrary, did all she could to preserve peace. But a short time before the Conference at Baden, she had publicly declared: "Though our dear Confederates of Zurich should not be willing to accept the proposals of compromise drawn up by us, we have still unanimously resolved neither to separate from them nor from our other allies, but faithfully to adhere to all sworn treaties." This was the disposition of the canton; this the policy of the government, which, among all the Swiss states, was the least inclined perhaps to enter into religious polemics and ecclesiastical movements. Political and warlike interests prevailed with it; with the people, those of a material nature. Become wealthy by agriculture, rejoicing in ease and prosperity, they felt little need of subjecting their faith to trial, and had just as little occasion to defend it at any great sacrifice. In spiritual matters they stuck to their leaders, whose contrary views, especially since the Conference at Baden, began to show a bolder antagonism. And yet it was rather the external form than the inward substance, which they regarded; the usages of the church, rather than the dogmas, which they assailed; the dominion rather than the teachings of the priests, against which they rose up. The mode of conflict was also different. Teachers were closely watched; great caution enjoined on the preachers; attacks on points of faith not suffered either in the pulpit or in disputations; and yet, on the other hand, fully as much freedom of speech prevailed in private life as in Zurich: the nuns of gentle birth in Kœnigsfeld left their convent and married without hindrance, and even the head of the priestly order, Provost Nicholas von Wattenweil, had taken to wife Clara Mai, a Dominican sister of the Convent in the Island. Amid storms of applause, the Banneret Manuel had allowed a play to be performed publicly in the Street of the Cross by a young burgher, in which the church authorities, the cardinals, the traffic of indulgences and various ceremonies were held up to ridicule. The powers then ruling had no special esteem for the Pope, and would not tolerate the supremacy of any bishops, but just as little also the commanding influence of a reformer. Such a state of things could not last long in any case, but the very means, by which the Five Cantons hoped to prevent the breach, led directly to it. These were their assumptions of guardianship; their legations; their letters and strictures, on every ordinance of the Council in Bern, which they did not like; the conduct of their envoys at the swearing of the treaty in that place; their request that the deputies of Zurich sent for this purpose might not be admitted to witness the ceremony; their private conferences, to which Bern also was not invited; their incessant appeals to that sealed promise, which had been extorted only under the protests of many and to the dissatisfaction of a large portion of the people, and lastly, their threats to appear before the Bernese districts. Yet it was Thomas Murner, who finally brought the matter to an issue. If Eck and Faber were undoubtedly fitted by their noble external appearance--their scientific and worldly training, to gain influence among the higher classes, so was the barefooted monk not less the man, to work upon the multitude: to inspire some with enthusiasm and rouse up others to anger. We have seen with what dogmatical, cunning and rude language he assailed, at Baden, not only Zwingli, but the Zurichers, and all the adherents of the Reformer, to the great displeasure of many, especially the Bernese. The publication of the Acts of the Disputation was now committed to this man, by the government at Luzern. In compliance with truth, it must be said, that he was guilty of no falsification; for the printed copy agrees accurately with the manuscripts of the four secretaries, which are still extant; but they would not believe this in Basel or Bern, without comparing the documents, on account of the violent assertions contained in other writings which he then published. Among these, everything else was eclipsed by the so-called Libel Almanac, whose appearance, with its vulgar wit, its coarse language and its blood-thirsty spirit, was demanded by party-hatred. The almanac of the Zurichers gave rise to its publication, because they had omitted the names of the saints. Instead of these, those of the Reformers and their most prominent adherents were now introduced under opprobrious epithets, with printed caricatures alongside. It was issued in Luzern--tinder the eyes of the government--and widely circulated. And as the preachers and other respectable men of Bern were not spared in it, the government demanded satisfaction--indeed united with that of Zurich for this purpose. These two states were thus drawn nearer and nearer together. The former appeared at the conferences instituted by the latter in opposition to those of the Five Cantons, and when, on Easter Tuesday of the year 1527, the election for the Councils arrived, the friends of reform carried the day by a decisive victory. Some of the most violent of their opponents were ousted from both Councils, and several others, among whom was Caspar von Muelinen, before mentioned as deputy at Baden, were obliged to go back from the Small to the Great Council; but the question was put to all the districts of the Canton, whether, in order to please the Five Cantons, they would adhere to that forced resolution to alter nothing in matters of religion, which would only lead to difficulty, and since it had been published, had produced nothing but hate and discord? The number of persons in city and canton, who were decidedly in favor of it, was small, and hence the ordinance was issued by both Councils, that the free preaching of the Gospel should be restored, exercised and protected, but that no changes should be allowed in the use of the sacraments and churchly customs, except by general consent and approbation.
But whilst these things were taking place in Bern, another storm was brewing among the enemies of the Reformation at Zurich. Notwithstanding all that had gone before, some were still found here, who secretly drew pensions, and these in unison with the discontented clergy, formed a dangerous party, whose hopes were newly revived by the result of the Conference in Baden. To them Zwingli's opponents in the other cantons silently turned, and the Reformer was threatened with a new battle. Let us hear his own description of it, in a letter to his friends in Basel and Strassburg: "For some time back, a great deal of movement, a bustling and joyful assembling has been observed in the troop of our Catilinarians,[9] as soon as the cause of the Gospel met with any difficulty in the way. It was clear as sunlight that these people would attempt the same thing, as those whose infamous deeds cannot be unknown to you, who have read the writings of Cicero and Sallust. I confess, that, when their speeches and actions more and more plainly betrayed their plans hitherto concealed, I, on my part, began to sound the alarm of treason. I succeeded also, in spite of the boldness and hypocrisy with which they came out against me, in intimidating their fortress, in undermining their walls. They believed that they had been unobserved. I gave them to understand that this was not the case, and that I myself could perhaps make a disclosure. It happened thus. I found myself, without their knowledge, in possession of a certain letter, and had gleaned besides something here and there. Hereupon the better portion of the people, who desired to put an end to intrigues, succeeded so far that a dictatorship was instituted, not indeed after the fashion of the Romans, in the person of a single individual, but a commission of twelve men, who received authority to apprehend and try. The investigation begins. Much comes to light, some things important and some not. Now, Grebel, the father of Conrad, the leader of the Anabaptists, is beheaded. He, who stood in the highest consideration amongst us, had received from the Emperor, the King of France and the Pope more than 1000 gold-florins under pretence of benefits bestowed on his son. Several escaped, for the gates were negligently guarded; one on a cart, concealed under a load of rubbish and dung. Another, a hunchbacked man, was put to the rack. The dictatorship and investigation still continue. As for me, I exhort some to take example from such a result, and others to aid in rooting up the evil."
The hatred of the defeated party, their friends and their followers, may easily be imagined. But for once there was no prospect of a speedy revenge. Several attempts on their behalf were made in the canton without success. To Buelach, where something had been undertaken in favor of the criminals, the government wrote: "We hear that you venture to hold meetings on account of the punishments we have inflicted on the disobedient and invite others thither. This sounds badly in face of your solemn pledges, to give the go-by to all foreign lords. Cease from such intrigues, or we will take the matter in hand for you with such earnestness and boldness, that, with the help of God, we will become your masters, and not you ours." Respect for the Reformer grew; his influence began to spread widely, even, beyond the limits of the canton.
After the narration of these events, we turn back again to the affairs of Bern. The power of this state, the ideas, which were entertained of the sagacity of its rulers, made it evident, that, just as the case was decided here, so would it be in a good portion of the Confederacy. And now, within the walls of Bern, Zurich and the Five Cantons had to fight their next battle. They did it first by embassies; but whilst the Zurichers deported themselves with modesty, the Five Cantons used rough, domineering language, which found no approval even from those, who otherwise were not well inclined toward the Reformation. But the Bernese felt more and more sensibly the inconvenience arising from the discord, which passed over from the sphere of religion into that of their politics. Both parties longed for a decision. The proposal to hold a religious conference of their own, met with growing favor. Both parties counted on victory. The opponents of the Reformation grounded their hopes on the issue of the Conference at Baden, and on the aid promised them by Conrad Treger of Freiburg, Provincial of the Augustines, who had some reputation for learning. Haller and his friends turned their eyes to Zwingli. They did not rest until the Council, which at first intended to restrict the invitation to the Conference to narrower limits, had extended it to the whole Confederacy. In the most anxious letters Haller entreated the Reformer not to remain away. He Bent the theses drawn up by him and his colleague, Francis Kolb, to Zwingli for revision, with the request to have them printed in Zurich. The town-clerk of Bern did the same thing, in the name of the Council. Zwingli promised, sent books and advice, and spread the Bernese letters of invitation also among his friends in Germany. "We have," Haller had written, "the wolf by the ears, but only between door and hinge, and do not know how to deal with him. Therefore, there is some hope among all good Christians here that thou wilt come. Thou knowest what is now laid on Bern, and what great scandal, scorn and shame would at once fall upon the Gospel and us, if we should not prove sufficient for the task. The burgomaster Roist, when he was last here, gave us to hope, that he would also come. Have no fear of way-laying, our government will provide for your safe-conduct. Believe me, many call for you. But others prophesy that my Lords will not make much out of the disputation, and the last disappointment will be greater than the first. Stand by me, or rather undertake it thyself. I have written to Œcolampadius, but do not know whether he will come; he has answered that he would like Zwingli to support us. Summa; He has bathed, (gebadet), thou shouldst lead the bear-dance."[10]
Zurich had heard the resolution of the Bernese with great joy. Immediately a public safe-conduct was made out for all travelers to Bern, and attendance at the Conference recommended to all belonging to the canton, especially to the priests, who had not yet joined in the Reformation; but Zwingli, who had urgently begged for permission, was commanded to go thither, and the learned Pellikan and Collin, along with the preacher Megander, to assist him, all at the expense of the government.
What anxiety, on the other hand, this disputation created among the Five Cantons, appears from their attempts to prevent it. Immediately after the resolution of Bern was made known to them, by her public proclamation, they called together a conference in Luzern, at which also Freiburg, Solothurn and Glarus were represented. A letter of warning was there resolved on. The Five Cantons believed, moreover, it should be drawn up, less in the name of their governments than in that of the Confederacy. From that very moment, when they began to fear, lest other states would likewise venture to unite with Zurich, their strenuous efforts were directed to the preservation at least of a majority of votes in the General Diet. In this they could not fail. They were sure of Freiburg, they counted on Solothurn, but Glarus they endeavored to secure by the same means which had proved abortive with Bern. Here, however, they seemed to succeed better. In fact, the general assembly of the canton handed over at their request a sealed promise not to separate themselves in matters of faith. In this posture of affairs, they held immoveably firm to the opinion, that whatever seven or eight out of thirteen states thought fit, should be considered the decision of the Confederacy. But our whole earlier history shows how varying the practice was in this respect, how single cantons, how a united minority of them often refused to acknowledge the resolutions of the majority; how differently the very Articles of Confederation themselves, and their right to enforce obedience were explained, or stretched, to suit particular cases. But, if ever it was their design to justify the political liberty of each individual member of the Confederacy, then surely it must be so in matters of religion, which are nowhere touched on in the letter of these Articles, whilst the dominion of one over the consciences of the others, is far less in harmony with their spirit.
So had Zurich looked upon the matter from the beginning. So was it now regarded by Bern, with a more decided purpose not to surrender the principle involved. From this time forth two parties began to form themselves in our country, who were diametrically opposed in their views of the nature and obligations of the Articles of Confederacy. The question at first by no means took the same shape as it did in later times: Shall only one ecclesiastical system, or several, be allowed within the limits of a single state? much less that which it now holds in America: Shall the state not concern itself at all about the religious creed of its citizens? Religion and politics, church and state were then thought to be inseparably bound together. Only this was asked: Shall a single state choose its own ecclesiastical system, or be suffered to change it by its own sovereign authority? or has it no such right? Must law be given to it perpetually from without, by a power which stands over it, which even has its head on the other side of the Alps? The Five Cantons, who adhered to the latter view without faltering, were not willing to maintain it merely within their own limits, but wished to have it uttered and acknowledged as a fundamental principle of the Confederacy, and the minority to submit to the majority in its application.
This shows itself plainly in the contents of a letter sent by them to Bern, directly before the Religious Conference held there. "Truly," so it runs, "with no less fear than wonder have we, dear Confederates, received your notice of a conference. What can have induced you to make such a move--you, who not two years ago would have esteemed an undertaking of that kind contrary to all honesty. Christian order and law, and a breach of old usages and sworn treaties? and so we esteem it. Whence comes it? Ah, God mend it! only because you have given too long a rein to your seditious, wicked preachers. They have persuaded you to this thing, in order to color somewhat, and in some measure to plaster over with a deceitful show their defeat at Baden, where by the might and splendor of the truth, by the Holy Scripture itself, they were struck to the earth as blind men. Remember what you and yours swore together with us, for which you gave us sealed documents, yet in our possession. Therefore, we beseech you, in the most pressing and earnest manner: Abandon your project. Lot us know, whether you will do this. On Sunday before New Year the deputies of the VIII. Cantons will be in Luzern. On that day we will look for your answer to this effect. But if all this warning is of no avail, then we desire you to summon your bailiwicks on a certain day previous to the disputation, and give us notice of that day in due time. Then will our Lords and Superiors send their embassy to you, and speak with you and yours, not otherwise than becomes propriety, and is necessary and convenient for us; and, if God will, you and yours, us and ours will be preserved from great misfortune and harm. Meanwhile, perhaps, rude speakers may exhort you not to suffer yourselves to be lorded over by. several cantons, ruled, taught, and compelled to believe what may be pleasing to them.
"Ah, dear Confederates! Neither our Lords and Superiors, nor we, ever had any disposition to rule and lord it over you. We bring and compel you to receive no new faith. What is our desire and thought? Only that you and we may remain with each other, dwell peaceably together and rule as your and our forefathers did in the old, true, Christian faith. In this your ancestors and yourselves, your canton and your people have reached great honor. In this did you become Confederates. In this have your ancestors and ours, you and we gained many honorable victories. God be praised therefor! With such a faith, and with the universal Christian Church we desire to remain, and pray God from the heart that He would prevent you by His grace from separating, not alone from us Eight Cantons, but much more from all Christendom."
Yet this letter, although made out in the names of the Eight Cantons, was not signed by Glarus and Solothurn; not by Glarus, because there also public opinion was rising up more and more in favor of Zwingli's reforms, which obliged the deputies to be very guarded; not by Solothurn, because she hesitated about expressing herself so strongly to her neighbor Bern, to whom she was bound by so many ties. Its imperious language, though couched in soothing terms, was ill suited to prevail with Bern. It roused there a feeling of proud independence, and how deep a wound it made, appears from the answer: