It has already been intimated in this work that the mass, in view of its significance and determining power, forms the ground-work of the cultus, or form of worship in the Catholic Church. Yet Catholic writers themselves have admitted and publicly expressed it, that, long before the Reformation, dangerous ideas concerning the mass prevailed among the people, which, fostered designedly by the clergy, and even by the Popes, led to great abuses, being employed, through the founding of masses for souls, to entice immense sums of money from pious superstition. We may suppose, that the Reformers turned their attention chiefly to these abuses, and first of all were obliged to attain for themselves a right view of the design of the Lord's Supper. According to the doctrine of the Catholic Church, the bread and wine were changed, by the consecration of the priest, into the real body and blood of Christ, so that thus, by the transaction of the mass, the personal Christ was once more sacrificed, as it were, and in this way the redemption of mankind by the sufferings and death of Christ dwelling in mass, was, in a certain measure, daily renewed, for the salvation of all the living, or even the departed, for whom mass was founded.
This mode of representation was unanimously rejected by the Reformers; but in order to prove it invalid, they had to resort to explaining the words of the Gospel, and here they began to diverge more and more from each other. We all know, that Christ simply expressed himself thus: "Take, eat; this is my body, broken for you; do this in remembrance of me;" that after supper he also took the cup, saying: "This cup is the New Testament in my blood; as oft as ye drink of it, do it in remembrance of me." Zwingli, with his searching glance, his methods of examination, strengthened by the study of the lively, vigorous authors of antiquity, his penetration into the spirit of language and his dislike to everything contrary to the course of nature, ordained by God himself, soon arrived at a mere allegorical exposition of these words, and understood by the expression, This is, simply, This signifies. But he did not entertain this view alone. Before he ventured to utter it publicly, a Dutch jurist, Cornelius Horn, had actually done it. Zwingli caused his work to be printed in Switzerland, and promoted its circulation. In the Conference at Zurich touching the mass, he for the first time came out openly as an advocate of this view; but he did not satisfy the bulk of his hearers. The not unlearned under-clerk, Joachim am Gruet, opposed him, even attacked him, in a second Conference before the Councils and scholars, with tolerable success, and availed himself of the objection, against the reference of the Reformer to a multitude of Scripture passages, where Christ in parables likewise made use of the word "is," plainly instead of "signifies," that they were only parables, whilst the Supper was a transaction so solemn, that such an arbitrary, audacious mode of interpretation could in no wise be admitted. How Zwingli was at first embarrassed by this objection, and how he afterward succeeded in refuting it, he may tell us in his own language.
"Undoubtedly," says he in one of his works,[4] "no easy task was before me, namely, to cite an example for my mode of interpretation, derived from no parable. I began to think over it, to look for it everywhere; in vain! I could find nothing. The 13th of April was at hand;[5] I tell the truth; (willingly would I keep silent, for I well know many will make a mock of it; but it is God's finger; my conscience constrains me to speak), early in the morning, before the break of day, I dreamed that I, yet full of chagrin, was once more attacked in battle with the under-clerk, and so beaten that I could discover no way of escape, and my tongue refused to do its office. This anguish tormented me in an incredible manner, as such things do in dreams, during the deceitful night. (I wish to tell it only as a dream, although it concerns me much; although that is important enough for me; which I have learned, thanks be to God! through whose power alone anything is possible). As by the stroke of an enchanter's wand, I saw a comforter stand before me, (whether he was white or black, I cannot say; I relate a dream). 'Wherefore, thou awkward one,' he asks, 'dost thou not oppose him with the passage in the twelfth chapter of the second book of Moses? It is the Lord's passover.' I awoke, sprang out of bed, looked at the passage, thought over it and preached from it in the morning before the congregation, and, as I hope with sufficient power. The sermon swept the mists from the eyes of all those, who, on account of the above-mentioned difficulty, had not been able to obtain a clear view, and three days after, on the festival of the resurrection, such a passover of the Lord was celebrated, as I have never yet seen, and the number of those, who hankered after the flesh-pots of Egypt was less than any one would have ventured to hope."
In the beginning, Luther also had looked at this mode of interpretation, but discovered in the bias of his mind greater difficulties, to which others of an external nature were added. As early as the year 1524, he had written to the "Christians at Strassburg:" "This I confess--if any one had been able to assure me five years ago that there was nothing in the Sacrament but bread and wine, he would have done me the greatest service. I then endured such a severe temptation and so struggled and writhed, that I would willingly have been delivered, for I plainly saw that by it I could have dealt the heaviest blow against the Papacy; but I am fast and cannot get out. The text is too powerful here and will not suffer itself to be wrested of its meaning by words." The thing, which had especially awakened his dislike to the Zwinglian view, and which he does not here tell us, was the circumstance, that, before Zwingli had yet expressed himself publicly in regard to the Lord's Supper, Doctor Carlstadt had come out in Saxony with a still bolder interpretation, by which he attempted to break up the connection of Christ's own words of institution in such a way, that half of them lost all their meaning. In a violent work, that met with approval in many places, he then spread abroad this interpretation. This Carlstadt was to Luther a glowingly-hated stone of offence, which everywhere laid in his way. Whilst Luther was in the Wartburg, he had headed the furious image-stormers in Wittemberg. He now made his home in Orlamuend, where he supplanted the preacher, disregarded all the ordinances of the Elector, and excited the people to such a degree, that when Luther went into the country, at the command of the Prince, to restore order, he was pelted with dirt and stones, and pursued with the cry: "Drive off, in the name of a thousand devils, and break your neck!" Deprived of his situation, after such doings, Carlstadt went to Strassburg, and then to Switzerland. Meanwhile, his writings were forbidden by the Council at Strassburg. Zwingli, on the other hand, declared this to be unjust, because Carlstadt's writings contained neither godless nor fanatical errors. Henceforth Luther began to transfer his hatred against Carlstadt more and more to Zwingli, although the latter, in his work, "On true and false Religion," only excused Carlstadt's interpretation, but in no wise approved, rather assailed it; and when Œcolampadius also issued his treatise on the Lord's Supper, Luther came out openly in the most passionate letters against the Swiss Reformers. "For myself," says he, in one of them, "I confess, that I do not think Zwingli a Christian with all his doctrines, for he holds and teaches no part of the Christian faith rightly, and has become seven times worse than when he was a Papist, according to Christ's judgment: 'The last state of that man shall be worse than the first.' I make such a confession, that I may be without blame before God and the world, because I have no share in Zwingli's doctrines, nor will have to all eternity!"[6]
To allay this strife was the task which the landgrave Philip of Hesse, proposed to himself. This Prince, then in his twenty-fifth year, a man of scientific culture, an indefatigable ruler, beloved by his people and feared by his more powerful neighbors, on account of his decided and enterprising character, was the soul of the Protestant party. To the Elector of Saxony, who, possessed of more prudence and timidity, stood along with him at its head, he wrote: "Rather would I give up body and life, land and people, than abandon God and his Word." At his court lived Duke Ulric, of Wuertemberg, an exile, driven from his country by the Emperor, and the Swabian League, but undaunted, eager for war, and continually busied with plans for recovering his princely seat. At an earlier period he had spent some time in Switzerland and became personally acquainted with Zwingli, and through him the landgrave was also brought into connection with the Reformer. Thinking clearly and feeling dearly; imbued also with the spirit of the Holy Scriptures, he thought, if stubbornness did not prevent it, a mutual understanding was yet possible, and resolved to spare no pains in order to attain it. Zwingli and Œcolampadius willingly consented to his proposal of a Conference. They only wished it to be held in Strassburg, because Zwingli especially despaired of receiving permission from the Zurich Council for the dangerous journey to Marburg, the residence of the landgrave, and so long an absence. The consent of the Saxons was more difficult to obtain. Melancthon from timidity, and because he did not wish to break fully with the Catholics, reconciliation with whom he thought yet possible, and Luther from dislike avoided the Conference; the former even privately requested the Elector not to permit them to go. "It is not well," he said, "for the landgrave to have much to do with the Zwinglians; he has taken, moreover, a greater liking to them, than is necessary; for the matter has come to such a point, that acute people, like the landgrave, regard it with the deepest interest, and the understanding seizes readily upon what it comprehends, especially if men of learning, who can give the matter from Holy Scripture, are inclined that way, and we know that many scholars now adhere to Zwingli."
It is clear that the Swiss were regarded by the Saxons as radical stormers, unprincipled innovators, who, amid their mountains and their republican affairs had forgotten all respect for law and order. "I am sick;" wrote Melanchton to one friend, "an indescribable anguish of soul torments me; I can scarcely breathe. Thou knowest wherefore. The Elbe has fearfully overflowed its banks. Even in Hesse I saw a great stone torn out of the side-walk of a church by the might of the floods, as though done by the contrivances of art. Still other signs happen. Christ defend us!" and to another: "Rather would I die, than live to see this Zwinglian affair pollute our just cause." Luther spoke thus against the landgrave himself: "I know well what the devil is after. God grant I may be no prophet; for if it were not a false trick, but a real purpose among them to seek peace, they would not attempt it in such a glorious fashion through great and mighty princes; for we, by God's grace, are not so savage and wild, that they could not long ago have tendered to us, as they yet can, the humble endeavors for peace, of which they boast; but I know that I will not basely give way to them. I cannot; because I am so fully persuaded that they err, and are themselves, moreover, unsettled in their opinions." At last, Melanchton made the proposal to invite some Papists to the Conference as witnesses, though in fact rather to pave the way for their final consent; and for a long while yet, both he and Luther wished to have Œcolampadius as an opponent, and protested against the appearance of Zwingli.
But such spectres were not visible to the landgrave Philip. He was one of those princes, who, conscious of their own power and of love to their people, by whom in turn they are beloved, can look without fear even on republican affairs; a man in whom faith lived, and who without hesitation, therefore, suffered the spirit to live; and, acting thus, hoped, with youthful assurance, to calm down the violent combatants by his influence, if he could only get a personal interview with them. This appears best from his own words: "Dear Master Erhard," so he wrote some years after this period, to another of the zealots in the Eucharistic controversy, the Wuertemberg preacher, Erhard Schnepf, "I hear that you will not leave Blarer (preacher at Constance) unmolested in the confession, with which Luther and Philip (Melanchton) are still satisfied, but press upon him with sophistical language, and have made many persons anxious lest you would break down more than you build up, which I myself do not yet accuse you of, but should it happen, it will grieve many a pious man. Hence, it is my prayer, that you will proceed gently; be no disputer of words, but a promoter of faith, love and good works, and not, as the old proverb says, 'raise a spoon and break a bowl;' for you might have a zeal, when you have reached a sure understanding, to press it upon others and yet not reach the heart; and besides, to speak humanly, do great injury to the Gospel; as, for example, many pious people might be brought thereby to persecution and ruin, when the matter was not even worth talking about. Therefore proceed wisely, that you may not become a partaker of such blood and such destruction. It will not do to plunge thus into matters. The Apostles acted prudently; they did not thus reject people for trifling errors. I point this out to you, as one, who heartily desires you to treat of things, that will promote the cause of the Gospel, unity, and love also. Understand yourself, and do not go further than God allows. Let not the old Adam lord it over the new. You have not been preaching long. It is needful to exhort you. Adieu."
Guided by such a noble endeavor to restore harmony among the Protestants, he pursued his mark with unwearied zeal, and obtained the consent of the Elector of Saxony, (who now required his learned men to attend the Conference), and at length that also of Luther and Melanchton, who, under date of July 8th, 1529, wrote to him as follows: "Since Your Princely Grace has received our two letters, and still insist upon our coming to Marburg, in the confident hope that concord will result from it, we wish with a cheerful and ready mind to contribute our part thereto, and by God's grace, if sound and well, will appear at Marburg on the day appointed. The Father of all mercy and unity grant His spirit that we may come together not in vain--for profit and not injury. Amen. Christ be Your Princely Grace's Governor and Guide!"
Zwingli also, when Philip had repeated the invitation to Marburg and pledged himself for the security of the journey, set out. He ventured to say nothing to the government; had even entreated the landgrave to confine his request to the Privy Council. On the first day after his departure, he began a letter to the Council, in which he apologises for not communicating the request to them, and says in addition: "It was not done with any intention to slight your Worships, but in order to discharge my duties with greater fidelity to you, since I foresaw you would not grant me permission, because of the interest you take in my welfare; for the distance by the route we go is 60 miles,[7] and the place strange to us on account of its religion, though secure enough, being in the territory of the landgrave, and the learned there all hostile to us, and our number is only three. So also friends, in whom we could confide, are few, from Zurich until very far down the Rhine. Yet it would not be right for me to remain away, since by this the whole plan would be frustrated, and many excellent men of the opposition brought thither on a fruitless journey. Then it would be interpreted, as if we were afraid of a friendly conference. Therefore, I pray your Worships, in the most humble manner, not to take my going off amiss, for I was loth to hear others despise you; and remember too that my staying away might result in injury to the truth and the disparagement of your good name. Otherwise you may hope in God, that we, by His aid, will give a faithful, undaunted support to the truth and bring no scandal on our church." He then apologized likewise for the departure of Collin, the professor of the Greek language, whom he had taken with him asked, since Basel had granted a member of the Council to Œcolampadius, that the same might be done for his assistance; and nominated the treasurer, Ulric Funk, on account of his cleverness and knowledge of the Latin language, who, as soon as he had received permission, hastened to join him. Immediately after his departure from Zurich, his enemies crept out of their hiding-places. Nonsensical reports were circulated. "He has run away with a party of rogues," said some; the "Devil has carried him off," said others. In Basel they met Œcolampadius and the deputy of the Council, Rudolph Frei. The plan was, that from thence he should proceed along with Œcolampadius by water to Strassburg. He asked for a moderate advance of money; because riding "on a hired horse cost a great deal," he would be obliged to buy one at Strassburg, which would leave him little for the expenses of the journey, and then, being compelled to borrow, would "become a laughing-stock." "To my wife," he concluded, "let Master Stall tell as much of the matter as a woman ought to know, for when I left her, I said no more than that I was going to Basel on business." In Basel, where he tarried nearly two weeks, he preached to a great concourse of people. The time was also employed by him in political negotiation. This imperial city desired then admission into the Christian Buergerrecht on the same terms as Constance. The mayor, Sturm, likewise invited to the Conference by the landgrave, along with Bucer and Hedio, was an experienced statesman, and not without influence at the Imperial Diet. He had connections in France. Reports had been received concerning the reconciliation of the Emperor with the Pope, against whom he had been carrying on war, and his arrival in Italy and the general sweeping measures toward the Protestants, to be apprehended from this combination of spiritual and temporal power. They were communicated confidentially to the Zurichers. Some of them Zwingli wrote down. The most important he sent to the Privy Council with the postscript: "This comes from the real cabinet of art." "Were it not wicked," he again wrote from Strassburg, "we might encourage the Venetians to withstand them so boldly, that the Emperor would be finished in Italy, and not able to escape over the mountains." On the 18th of September they left the city and, by a circuitous route, which they had to choose for safety, reached Marburg on the 29th. The day after, the Saxon scholars, Luther, Melanchton, Justus Jonas, from Wittemberg, and several others, made their appearance. From Nuremberg, came Andrew Osiander; from Swabian Halle, John Brenz; from Augsburg, Stephen Agricola; all likewise invited by the landgrave. In an humble letter, signed "Your Princely Grace's obedient servant and poor little worm," Carlstadt also begged for admission, but received a polite refusal. The entire company was lodged in the castle. A Latin poem written by Professor Curicius conjured them to begin the Conference with such calmness, and prosecute it with such dignity, that the world may know the Spirit of God had presided over it.
Strangers from various countries had arrived in considerable numbers; but no one received admittance, except those who were invited; the Duke of Wuertemberg, the Count of Fuerstenberg, several courtiers, the professors of the University and the Hessian preachers. Zwingli's request, that the proceedings should be written down by secretaries under oath, and the Latin language used, was declined by the landgrave; likewise the wish of Luther and Melanchton, for the aid of respectable Papists. Immediately after his arrival, Luther had received a visit of courtesy from Œcolampadius, Bucer and Hedio; Zwingli remained without a greeting from the side of his opponents. Justus Jonas studied physiognomy and manners. He pretended "to see in Zwingli a certain tincture of rustic arrogance; in Œcolampadius a wonderfully mild nature; in Hedio, no less humanity and liberal culture; in Bucer, under the mantle of sagacity and penetration, fox-like cunning."