Meanwhile the Emperor Charles had arrived in Germany and opened the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in person, in the summer of 1530. Here they, who were supposed to favor Zwingli's views, were in very ill repute. "On all sides," Jacob Sturm wrote to him, "we are suspected, as though we were hatching with foreign nations some marvellously dangerous plot for the overthrow of the Emperor and the Empire; yea, we are regarded as open rebels. Thou knowest how thoroughly false this is; yet there are some who, therefore, wish also to hear nothing about our articles of faith, because, they say, the report goes;[7] that some of us have boasted, that we have provisions, arms and soldiers enough, not only to repel force with force, but also to invade the territory of our neighbors. There are those who affirm that we have already portioned out among ourselves the ecclesiastical principalities, before the victory, and I know not what other follies. In short, the Papists, and even those who otherwise have declared themselves for the Gospel, act against us here, openly and secretly, so that our destruction would be decided on, if it only depended on them. If the Lord himself does not pity us, does not stand by innocence and truth, then will our mighty and raging foes yet devour us alive. No one defends us more than the Landgrave, and even he does not venture to do it publicly, but only to advocate our cause in narrower circles. To us, ears and access are completely closed; we are crippled in all our members. From an appeal in person, or from thy servants here, whom thou couldst entrust with the Gospel, there is nothing to hope; should circumstances meanwhile take a more favorable turn, I will send you word." And yet the Landgrave of Hesse, in a special conference with the Emperor, had fearlessly defended himself and his friends, without however giving among them the name of Zwingli, a confession of faith from whose hand had just then reached Augsburg, and was viewed with the greatest displeasure. The ingenious Switzer had woven into it some passages of a political nature, which, though cautiously done, in his opinion, could not but produce an unfavorable impression in the Imperial Court, as it then stood. It contains among other things: "I well know that the ruler, chosen or appointed in a lawful manner, occupies the place of God, no less than the priest; but as the priest should be a minister of heavenly wisdom and goodness, to defend the faith and bring errors to light, so also should the ruler be a minister of divine goodness and justice; goodness, in that he listens to and cares for his subjects with fidelity and self-sacrifice, like God; justice, in that he holds in check the impious and wicked and protects the innocent. If he does this, then he preserves a quiet conscience, and has indeed nothing to fear; if he does it not, and thus surrounds himself with fear and terror, I cannot think that his conscience will be idle, only because he has been chosen, or placed there, constitutionally. Yet, for my part, I believe that a Christian should obey such a tyrant until the opportunity is offered, of which Paul speaks: 'Canst thou make thyself free? then delay not.' But this opportunity will be pointed out to him by God alone, not by man, and that not doubtfully, but as clearly and plainly, as when Saul was rejected and David chosen his successor." It is easy to see, that, amid the universal excitement then prevailing, language like this, so unusual in documents laid before the Imperial Diet, as well as him who employed it, would be styled dangerous. More than ever did Charles and his brother Ferdinand, King of Hungary, withdraw their favor from the Reformed party and incline toward the Catholics. But just in proportion as Zwingli was convinced, that the number and hatred of his enemies in the German Empire were increasing, his own earlier dislike to France and fear of an alliance with her, appear to have essentially diminished. Already, in the secret political conferences held at Marburg, he directed his attention to that country, and it may indeed have been through a French channel, that a portion of the news concerning the transactions of the Emperor in Spain and Italy, especially with the Roman See, reached there. Still the French monarch, Francis I., was not at all friendly to the Reformation. In his own kingdom he tried to keep it down by force. His queen, a sister of Charles V., did much to strengthen this feeling. Just at that time letters from her brother at Augsburg, full of bitter complaints against the spirit of the Protestants, so hostile to all civil and ecclesiastical rule, were received in France. But what the King was not willing to suffer in his own dominions, he beheld not without secret pleasure in those of his envied and hated rival, for so he always considered the Emperor, in spite of all ties of relationship. Out of policy, therefore, in order to weaken the power of Austria, he supported the German Protestants; and out of policy his envoys in Switzerland, Dangerant, seigneur de Boisrigault and Maigret, seigneur de Villequoy, sought access even to Zwingli. With Maigret it appears to have been equally a matter of spiritual interest; for he was inclined to the Gospel and in after life became a decided Huguenot.
We have seen how Zurich, as well as the other cantons, was formerly kept back from entering into a closer alliance with France chiefly through Zwingli's efforts. It is remarkable to observe now a total change in his views. Let us not condemn him unjustly, but hear him once more tell his own story. The true picture of the event will show that apparent inconsistency only sprang from an abiding enthusiasm, in behalf of the one great idea, to which he had consecrated his life. "The ambassadors of the King of France," he writes to Jacob Sturm, "have asked me for an opinion, as to how the power of the Emperor might be broken, or circumscribed, which I have written out in Latin; I had refused it twice, and only when they applied the third time, sent it to them with the knowledge of the Privy Council. It is now (Feb. 28th, 1530) the seventh day since Collin was despatched with it to the French embassy. I cannot tell whether my paper will be sent along with the messenger to the King or not." This document was in the form of a letter, addressed to the cities of the Christian Buergerrecht. "It is a known fact," so it begins, "that in former centuries no kings and no people offered a more steady resistance to the overgrown power and tyranny of the Roman Emperor than the most Christian kings of France and the people of Helvetia. Through them, not only their own liberties, but those also of other princes, nations and cities have been maintained. Hence this alliance of powers--the greater one of France and the lesser of the Confederates (which latter are not able by themselves to sustain so great a war) cannot be dissolved without injury to the cause of universal freedom. This the kings of France have always kept in view. And, although at present the Five Cantons continue to stand aloof from the cities of the Christian Buergerrecht, and this in fact does not the less grieve the King of France, than if (God forbid!) his two sons were at variance, still he preserves the feelings and the policy of his ancestors, who valued the friendship and attachment of no people more than that of the Confederates. Hence, if he cannot effect a treaty with all Switzerland, on account of the above-mentioned schism, he is yet at least willing to conclude one with the cities of the Christian Buergerrecht, as well as those cantons, which are not distant in their views, namely, with Glarus, Solothurn, Appenzel and the Toggenburgers; and it shall be of such a character, that even the Zurichers, who would not join the one concluded several years ago, can no longer have any reason to stand aloof, because it contains no articles contrary to the Divine law. For this purpose it shall also be submitted beforehand to the theologians and preachers of the Gospel in the Confederacy, since it is the dearest wish of the most Christian King himself, that the Gospel shall be maintained in its purity." The chief articles proposed by Zwingli are the following: Twenty years for the duration of this alliance, whose special duty it shall be to defend the Christian religion, and that against every man who may assail it, without exception. If one of the two parties is disturbed, because it has received the Gospel or for other reasons, then the other shall send aid at the first call; should it, on the contrary, make the attack, then authority is given, to help only, if the reasons of the attack be found lawful. The troops of the cities in the service of the king shall be paid by him. If they desire help, then the king shall send whatever of cavalry and guns the treaty calls for, at his own cost. The articles of the Perpetual Peace, already existing with France, are to continue likewise in full force.
In a private letter sent to his near acquaintance, Maigret, along with this scheme, Zwingli also proposed, if the King would consent, to open the alliance to the Landgrave of Hesse, who, though "a young man, was yet prudent far beyond his years, magnanimous and resolute," and said there would be no reason either to regret the admission of the Duke of Wuertemburg, "who, though driven from his country, was living in exile, but with a stout heart, and possessed of uncommon abilities, in union with ripe experience; and I may do much also among other cities near the borders of Switzerland. This I now say to thee, only in confidence."
It is evident that the Reformer had made himself familiar with the idea that his scheme would not be presented to the King in such a form. Indeed, how could the ambassadors have dared even to send it? The very form of the scheme--Zwingli venturing to speak in the name of the King, and demand, moreover that the public act, to be issued by him and the council of his own canton, should be first subjected to the censorship of certain preachers--would very probably have appeared to Francis extremely arrogant. For the Gospel he cared nothing. His heart was set upon Lombardy, for the possession of which he had already waged two wars with Charles. But to carry out his plans there, he needed the aid of the Swiss, and hence the allusion to a division amongst them in the scheme would have ensured it an unfavorable reception. Some days afterward, Zwingli received written notice from both the ambassadors, that the time had not yet come to entertain propositions of this nature. Dangerant used such ambiguous language as to leave it doubtful whether he anticipated similar communications in the future, or wished to ridicule the whole affair. Maigret, who was well-disposed, remained in constant intercourse with the Reformer, and, at a later period, seems to have made a generous use of a sojourn of several months in France, to kindle there a more friendly feeling on his behalf, of which indeed there was great need.[8] He it was, who, after his return to Switzerland, exhorted Zwingli to develope the substance of his religious doctrines in a personal letter to the French King, in the hope, that by this means much of the prejudice of that monarch against them might be removed. The Reformer consented. In June of the last year of his life, the writing was finished and sent to Paris, where it is still extant in the Royal Library, a striking monument of firm faith, as well as noble candor. As before, against the Emperor, he also speaks against the French King in regard to political matters. Here we can only quote the beautiful passage, which, though little apprehended in that age, and even violently censured by Luther, shows in the most vivid manner, how for he stood above his century, and how thoroughly he was penetrated by the conviction that Christianity is designed to be the universal religion--the kingdom of God, which must embrace all, who have an honest will. "I believe," says he, "that the souls of the faithful in Christ, as soon as they have torn themselves loose from the earthly hull, rise to heaven, enter into closer union with the Godhead and enjoy an eternal happiness. Here, most Christian King, thou durst hope, if only like a David, a Hezekiah, a Josiah, thou hast made a wise use of the power, which God has entrusted to thee, to see Him in his essence, his form, in his almightiness and goodness, to become the partaker of the fruits of his blessing, not scantily, but to full satisfaction; yet not to that satiety which produces disgust, but that which, in blissful fulness, like the streams that roll everlastingly down to the sea and out of the pores of the earth renew themselves again, water the landscape, cover it with smiles and adorn it with a rich growth of flowers. The happiness, which we enjoy, will be without end, can never be exhausted, for no weariness comes there; it is ever new and ever the same. Then durst thou also hope to be taken yonder into the communion, the society, the confidence of all, who, from the beginning of the world, have led holy, wise, believing, steadfast, brave and righteous lives. There wilt thou find the two Adams, the saved and the Savior, Abel, Enoch, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Judah, Moses, Joshua, Gideon, Samuel, Phineas, Elijah, Elisha, Isaiah, and the God-bearing Virgin of whom he prophesied, David, Hezekiah, Josiah, John the Baptist, Peter and Paul; there also Hercules, Theseus, Socrates, Aristides, Antigonus, Numa, Camillus, the Catos and the Scipios; there Louis the Pious, and thy forefathers, the Louises, Philips, Pepins, as many of whom as walked by faith. In fine, never has there been a noble man, never has there existed a pure spirit, a true heart from the beginning of the world till its end, whom thou wilt not find there, enjoying communion with the Father."
Let us now turn back to the Five Cantons. The Landfriede had operated to their prejudice, as compared with their Reformed Confederates. Still they strove in general to enforce its provisions, but according to that interpretation, which, at the conclusion of the treaty, they had put upon certain ambiguous articles. Special conferences among themselves, and with other co-religionists were not at all abandoned; but neither was this the case on the side of the Reformed. Yet when they met for the transaction of private business, the voice of moderation, especially in the beginning, was not seldom heard. Thus, at a meeting in Altorf, toward the end of August, 1529, Uri declared with warmth, "that, if any one of the Five Cantons were attacked contrary to the Peace, she would pledge life and property for its defence, but that in several cantons unbecoming language was used, and sundry markings done with badges (fir-twigs upon their hats), which was improper and a violation of the Landfriede; this they wished to maintain, and hence did not approve of such things, and it is their friendly request, that every canton will see it put away from among its people, though they have done it; for if war should come on account of such reasons above-named, she would promise nothing, and would feel bound to render no aid; the Emperor in the meantime should not be written to." A month later, at a another conference in Brunnen, Zug, in whose midst vehement passions were still alive, was warned in a similar strain, and "the deputy told of the unbecoming words which they used, that they should be put away, lest confusion might arise therefrom;" and again at Brunnen, in the beginning of the year following, it was resolved, that "words of reviling and abuse be put away, since they can lead to nothing good." They, who were guilty of these offences, were, for the most part, proud, insolent partisan leaders, dreaded on account of their lawless character and warlike propensities, or else, head-strong young men, sons of politicians and distinguished councillors, and hence it was the more difficult to apply a remedy. The Zurichers declared themselves little satisfied with fines, or the imprisonment of some poor fellow or obscure hot-head, dragged out of an ale-house, when, on the other hand, in a large company, in presence of distinguished members of the Reformed party, a man like Captain Shœnbrunner of Zug was allowed to read, with ill-concealed malice, a dirty libel in which Zwingli was accused of unnatural excesses and a loathsome disease; but, on complaining bitterly of this, they only received the answer: "Our Lords have told Henry Shœnbrunner, that his conduct does not please them." It was not the abusive language of an obscure individual, which created such a stir, but that of an influential man, one who, a short time before, had been sent to the Imperial Diet at Augsburg and there honored with a personal interview by King Ferdinand, the Emperor's brother.
But, as among the Reformed, so also among the Catholics, it was found very difficult to persuade the most prominent leaders to use measures of conciliation. The Zugers distinguished themselves by their wild passion and energy. In order to increase their influence, they sought and obtained admission into the old confederation of the Four Forest Cantons, and they were the first who broached the idea of another alliance with Austria. At the very time, when Collin was dispatched to Venice, bailiff Thoss of Zug set out for Genoa, and obtained an audience of the Emperor, whom he followed to Bologna, where he was graciously received by the Pope. Bern had informed Zurich of this occurrence, and expressed her anxiety. Perhaps it was through his reports, that the Five Cantons were induced to send a delegation to the Imperial Diet at Augsburg, in the summer of 1530. The delegation consisted of the landvogt of the canton of Luzern and the son of the then schultheiss, Hug, to whom Baptista ab Isola of Genoa was yet added. The latter, who probably accompanied Thoss on his return home, had received from Luzern the rights of citizenship and became the leader of a troop of Italian auxiliaries, which, in the subsequent war, the Papal legate enlisted for the Five Cantons. Besides the deputies, there went thither Captain Schœnbrunner of Zug, the schultheiss Hebolt of Solothurn and Rennward Gœldin, a distinguished Zuricher, who, from indignation at the law against desertion, had left his native city and espoused the cause of the Five Cantons. The abbot of St. Gall followed. At the Imperial Diet they all sought assistance from the Emperor, or at least endeavored, for the encouragement of friends and the terror of foes, to make the impression that they would obtain it. For this purpose reports of their brilliant reception and the marks of honor bestowed on them were spread everywhere--how often they had spoken with the Emperor and his brother--how often they had been summoned to confer with influential and illustrious men. But, on the other hand, reports of quite a different character reached Switzerland from the observers of the Reformed party, of whom an unknown citizen of St. Gall appears to have been the most active. His long letters, full of details, were immediately communicated by St. Gall to the allied cities. Touching the abbot and the embassy of the Five Cantons, he expresses himself in the following manner: "Kilian, the pretended abbot of St. Gall, came hither on the 9th of July. I have seen him several times, and conversed with his chamberlain and his chancellor on the street, when they saluted me; yet they betrayed nothing. The chancellor told me, that his gracious lord was here only to receive a fief from the Bishop of Chur; item, to wait and see also what would be done at the present Diet and likewise how it would go with others of the clerical order, as well as himself. Indeed, his case is such, that even if the just-named abbot had received wise council, he could not, in my judgment, accomplish anything. The said Kilian lodges with one Fischer, at a hotel in some obscure street. On the 10th of the present month, he dined with the Bishop of Constance; and then on the 11th, in front of the Bishop's chamber, paced up and down, giving vent there to his sorrow, anguish and misery, and cries to the Virgin, for more than an hour, before he was admitted; then without doubt the words of the said bishop gave him comfort; though I hope their scheme will prove a gross failure, since I, by the help of God, as far as I can learn the issue of this business, will send My Lords the very earliest information thereof. Touching the embassy of the cantons: First, the deputies of Luzern arrived on the 5th day of this month (July). By the command of the Emperor, they are lodged at a respectable inn, not far from the court of the Emperor and King. The vogt of the canton has presented and delivered to the Emperor many letters, without doubt supplications and apologies for royal treaties and seals broken on compulsion and other similar things in writing. But I cannot see, that the Emperor can give them any special attention, till the decree of the Diet, in regard to the faith and other articles of like nature, are made known. Then, there are deputies from Zug, but I cannot see, that they do much business, except to curry favor with the men of Luzern and keep up appearances, by begging money for the sham-abbot Kilian and offering him a placebo (i.e. delusive promises of help); thus at no cost to themselves (but I forget--Kilian must undo his purse-strings and be his own treasurer and steward) they can see the Emperor, King and members of the Imperial Diet; therefore, if the Emperor, sometime ago, wished to form an alliance with thorn, which caused them to be regarded as very distinguished and useful; now, upon near acquaintance, he will possibly load them with costly gifts and marks of honor. Mark Sittich (Austrian governor of the frontier-province of Vorarlberg in the Tyrol) is laboring hard for this. Although, gracious Lords, great plans and schemes are devised for the persecution of the Common Confederacy, to wit, the evangelical cities--Bern, Zurich and their allies and Christian co-burghers, yet are they, in my judgment, only vain, proud and bragging fools, who busy themselves here, in a restless and violent manner, in these proceedings against us. On the fourth day of July, Mark Sittich made loud complaint to the Emperor about the Zurichers, how they withheld by force what belonged to him. The Zurichers should be written to on the subject. These things need looking after, and I now give Mark's scheme and plan of action with the names: Thus, the Christian cities in the three cantons are to be surprised, assaulted and taken; namely, by the Duke of Savoy, with the help of Wallis (Valais) and Freiburg proceeding against Bern; item, the Emperor against Basel and Constance, and Mark Sittich, with squadrons from the abbacy and over the Rhine, and the hostile countries beyond, against us. Then the city of Strassburg is to be besieged. In case the cities, bound by their burgher-oath, send forth troops to aid their comrades, these troops are to be suddenly attacked upon the road and no one left to tell the tale.--All this would perhaps take place, if the Turk had not marched against Vienna. I have good hope in God, our Redeemer, that these fellows will fail in many, yea more than half their plans. Therefore, you, my Lords, may be unterrified if such stories reach your ears, for our Savior does not bless such base designs. And though it should happen, it will only redound to His honor and glory."
From these and similar reports we may certainly infer, that the deputies of the Five Cantons, as well as the abbot of St. Gall, did their utmost in Augsburg, to win over the Emperor and individual members of the Imperial Diet to their cause, and found also zealous advocates. Yet no record of any formal resolution passed in their favor, or a revival of their alliance with Austria, is extant. On the contrary, they appear to have returned home not altogether satisfied, and toward the close of the year 1530, their general behavior exhibits more of despondency than hope, whilst Zurich assumed a still more hostile attitude; and Zwingli himself was little inclined to oppose it. Through his efforts, his exhortations, his correspondence, his travels the Reformed party grew stronger day by day. Zurich was everywhere ready with her mediation, or protection--with complaints, if the Five Cantons, with threats, if their subjects endeavored to prevent the preaching of the Gospel. Here, in the territories, in which the Catholic states also had a share, a monastery was broken up to-day, because the mass of its occupants so desired, and sometimes too, as happened at Katharinenthal, near Diessenhofen, because intimidated by force and terror, and there to-morrow, in a parish hitherto devoted to the old faith, the Reformation, after repeated voting, was carried by a small majority. Of course a preacher was immediately sent thither, and rarely did they stop, until they had obliged the ejected Catholic priest to retire. Some time previous, the Thurgovian landweibel (high sergeant), one of the most powerful props of the Old Faith party, when passing through Zurich in the retinue of a landvogt from Unterwalden, had been there thrown into prison and beheaded; and the landvogt Stocker from Zug, on complaint made to Zurich by the Thurgovians, found himself, through the assistance which the former granted to the people, compelled to flee the territory. The landvogt Kretz from Unterwalden met with the same treatment in the Rheinthal, but in this case without the aid of Zurich. It certainly cannot be denied, that a considerable portion of the clergy--of the monks, who were ejected from the Territories in consequence of the Reformation, were men without knowledge, often without morals and generally of little worth, and that the three civil functionaries just-mentioned, had, by their harshness, immorality and acts of violence, stirred up the righteous indignation of the people; yet the forms, under which Zurich proceeded, were not those of confederate law, but the offspring rather of an arbitrary will, whose continued assumption of power tended only to awaken the most bitter animosity amongst the Five Cantons, and found no approval with her own party, including even the cities of the Christian Buergerrecht. The good end could not justify the unlawful means. And still less was this the case, when, in spite of the decided protest of the other cantons of the protectorate, she allowed herself to make a one-sided scale of salaries, increasing the revenues of benefices in the parishes, which had accepted the Reformation, at the expense of the rest; and compel Catholics, who had resigned these benefices, to call in Reformed preachers and pay them more, than required by the treaties. In vain did the Five Cantons raise a voice of protest at all the sittings of the general Diet; in vain did they send embassies with complaints and prayers for redress to the other states. Zurich pushed forward, secure of support from the majority of the people in the Territories.
But more yet was in reserve, and principally through Zwingli's influence. He too sank under the weakness of our common humanity; as Luther and Calvin in solitary moments, as Borromoo and Francis de Sales, as the Apostles themselves. One alone never yielded, and proved by that very fact, that He had come from God. A writing of the Reformer, still extant, its margin covered with corrections, improvements and additions--signs of great mental agitation--shows incontestibly, that with him also, in hours, when his feelings may have been embittered by the unworthy attacks to which he saw himself more and more exposed, hatred had prevailed over love, passion over calmness of spirit, and earthly policy over the guidance of faith. It has this heading: "What, in the dealings of the Five Cantons, there is need for Zurich and Bern to ponder over." It affords us a deep glance into his inner life, and reveals to us the plans with which he was occupied; and whilst the cold-blooded reader, who sees in history only the results of human struggles, and declares those most successful, where the most comprehensive means have accompanied the grandest designs, may read these with admiration of Zwingli's political sagacity, he, on the other hand, who measures all things by the rule of the Gospel, will be obliged to condemn them.
Any one, who derives his knowledge of the history of that period from original sources, and has read the numerous bills of complaint, handed in, even at the recesses of the general Diet, by the people of the Common Territories, and the results of the investigations, which, in most cases, proved them to be just and well-founded, can imagine the indignation which Zwingli's view of the case called forth. But to an honest will other means of redress stood open, before resort to such extreme measures--to plans that would shake the Confederacy to its very foundations. But indeed, it is almost certain, that these plans were never formally laid before the authorities of Zurich and made the subject of official deliberation. They may have been communications to a narrow, confidential circle of friends, drawn up more as a frank confession of his own political faith, than with any hope that their complete execution was so easily possible in the coming age. Still, they afford us the necessary key to a right understanding of the part played by him in the affairs of the Confederacy, during the last two years of his life, and hence we cannot omit here the main ideas. "In ancient times," so he writes, "Zurich and Bern united as confederates with the Four Forest Cantons, Luzern, Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden. The power of both parties was then equal and they held faithfully together, but the burden of the wars against their enemies on all sides was great. The cities were the bulwarks; they had not the mountains, the passes, for their defence. As their territory increased, the greater injuries fell upon them and the greater costs. With fairness they could have demanded a change in the relative proportion of right in the federal councils. But Zurich and Bern were content with some insignificant grants, respecting the division of booty according to the number of soldiers, which the treaty of Stanz allowed them; and the Cantons still kept twice as many votes as the cities, although the latter, yea even sometimes one of them performed as much as all the former put together. This produced arrogance among those who, in the beginning, were modest. They were the governors of the common bailiwicks; they acted often without consulting the cities. They have strengthened themselves in our times by the admission of a fifth canton. They concoct everywhere their schemes, before the meetings of the federal diet; for them the fruit must ripen, where they did not sow. Shall the two cities endure this any longer? They are confronted with the federal league, in opposition to the treaty of Stanz, which guarantees their rights, their number of votes at the diet, in relation to the Territories; but every claim, privilege or power, is dissolved or broken, according to divine and human law, when they are misused. The land of Palestine is an example. In eternity was it promised to the children of Israel. In eternity were they driven out from it, when they transgressed the commandment of God. Rome brought into subjection Alba Longa and the Sabines, from whom she herself had sprung, because they did not keep the peace and act fairly as neighbors. In history such examples are innumerable, and it is God's Word that says: 'Put away the evil from among you." Moreover, it is highly necessary for our union to lessen their power, or to separate from them. For years back, neither discipline nor order has been found in their midst. And where these fail, no government can stand. If it be said, they have their own rights, their own power, their own government, which must be left to them, and though these all be abused, we have no right to say anything, then the answer is: No compact can exist contrary to justice, and if the one party overlooks this, falls away from it, then the other should hold them to it, yea, compel them, and if the Five Cantons are henceforth lost to all sense of right, then it is "certain, that they must be punished and will be uprooted." So the eleven tribes of Israel slew the twenty five thousand Benjamites, and so the Romans punished the Carthaginians, until they brought them into complete subjection.
"Two things only are now to be considered--when and how we shall punish them. When? Truly it is best to attack them at once.