The Zurichers, with ranks swollen by the arrival of several thousand solders, were encouraged by Lavater, again in their midst, and the governor-general Frei, next him in command, to descend from the Albis and hazard another battle. They earnestly begged the Bernese to march up rapidly through the free bailiwicks and lend them support. The Five Cantons, threatened thus in front and rear, would be compelled either to fight, or to retreat. Diessbach refused. Even when Zurich, at his request, withdrew her troops from the Albis, forsook her own canton and joined the Bernese at Bremgarten, he still hesitated. The united forces, now exceeding in number those of the Catholics, occupied five days in advancing the distance of a few miles, where they again encamped. Frei could no longer endure such treasonable inaction. On his own responsibility, aided by the men of Basel, Schaffhausen, and St. Gall, he pressed on by night to the Gubel. The Bernese slept without concern. But the Gospel of Christ is not to be upheld by swords and lances. A second time Zurich was beaten, and her brave captain fell among the slain.
And yet the Catholics did not gain all they desired. Their faith, as well as their former just position in the Confederacy, were now secured, and the unnatural prohibition against the export of provisions done away; but the Reformation still survived, and their victories did not give them power sufficient to crush again the liberty of the Gospel, where it had taken root, or to limit Zurich in her territorial rights. This, however, they attempted to do, and directly after the defeat at Cappel invited all the parishes on the further side of the Albis, together with the entire population on the left shore of the lake, to abandon Zurich, swear allegiance to them and give hostages for their fidelity in the future; in return for which, they promised to guarantee their original liberties and "receive and treat them, as faithful, loving subjects should be by a mild and paternal government." In case of refusal, they were to be dealt with in "a hostile and warlike manner," without mercy. The offer was unanimously rejected, and information sent to the Council of Zurich, which was repeatedly assured, that they were resolved to abide by the Gospel till death. The latter government also remained unshaken, even by the new disaster at the Gubel; indeed, now for the first time, exhibited a degree of courage and activity, that was not looked for. And although the Duke of Wuertemburg had been informed that "the trade of our city is nearly ruined," orders were sent, only four days after the defeat at Cappel, to the Zurichan allies, who were still engaged in the siege of the castle Musso, on the borders of Graubuenden: "Persevere, do not break up, nor let our affairs trouble you, but prosecute the war boldly and earnestly, and give the enemy no rest till he surrenders." This reply was also made, when the Council of Bern, in contrast with the sluggish leaders of her army, referred the mediators, sent from Solothurn, Appenzell and Neunburg, to Zurich with the declaration that without her consent their could be no talk of peace: "It shall never be forgotten, but told to our children and children's children." Her town-clerk was authorized, the very day after the battle on the Gubel, to inform the soldiers on the Italian frontiers: "We are ready to pledge hide and fur and all that God has given us, not to abandon the field, till the religious rights of the bailiwicks are secured." Word was sent to the camp at Baar: "We wish to know what happened at the defeat on the mountain, who was to blame and who was innocent. You should remember every day the disgrace of our city of Zurich and seek means to recover our lost honor." Continually and repeatedly were the Bernese captains and the government exhorted to prosecute the war with greater vigor; and when the latter, in order to justify her irresolution, referred to the armed preparations on the Rhine and on her western borders, against which she was obliged to guard, when she communicated the fact that the Archduke Ferdinand had, immediately after receiving the news of the disaster at Cappel, sat more than half a day in council and, leaving the Imperial Diet, ridden off to Inspruck, the indignant reply was made. "We can get nothing more out of it than this, that all our friends are on the other side of the Rhine, and your reports and ours in no wise agree; and since these things are not half so dreadful as represented to you, we beg you not to be frightened at such bug-bears, but come manfully to our aid." The Landgrave of Hesse, who had offered money and a thousand men, and the Duke of Wuertemberg, who had placed at their disposal all his heavy guns at Hohentwiel, were warmly thanked; but as there was less lack of men than of concord in the camp, it was resolved to decline this foreign assistance, which could scarcely have been used.
In the camp itself undoubtedly lay the chief causes of the crippled condition of affairs, the confusion and the unfortunate results. Not only did a continual strife prevail between the Bernese and Zurichan commanders, but the latter stood isolated among his own people. He himself felt that he had lost the confidence of his troops, and although he could point to undeniable proofs of his bravery in Italy, and of his undaunted spirit and presence of mind in the popular rebellion at Tœss, and although he was among the last to leave the battle-field of Cappel, and that only when all resistance had become impossible, yet an inner voice perhaps whispered to him, that among the glorious band, who had there laid down their lives, the name of the chief commander should not have been wanting. Intimidated and perplexed, he attempted no decisive measures. "Of Lavater many said," so Bullinger tells us, "that he was frightened, and durst no longer talk among and with the people. The constrained position of the general had its effect upon the army. Several of the cowardly and faithless began to desert, rain set in, and provisions grew scarce. In spite of every entreaty, to protect at least the Zurichan frontier, the army of Bern retreated to Bremgarten." "Why do you hesitate to follow?" said the ensign Hugi of Solothurn. "You shut your eyes on your own necessities, as your fathers before you in the old Zurich war. As they, so you are at variance; as they, so you have lost the hearts of your Confederate brethren; you have no power to make further resistance, and yet you will not give way."
And in fact the government did not consider it just then consistent with honor and duty. It was resolved not to entertain the proposals for peace made by the mediators; because one of the conditions of the Catholics was, that in the Territories it should be decided by a new vote whether they would return to the old or continue in the new faith. Bern also assented to this course. But now an army of 4,000 men from the Five Cantons, among whom were the lawless foreign mercenaries of Ab Isola, rushed upon the cottages and hamlets of the unprotected territory of Zurich, overran the left shore of the lake, and ravaged as far down as Thalweil. Terror seized the canton. Many fled to the city; all the roads were filled with weeping-women and children, mingled with lowing herds, and the alarm-bells resounded on every side. The councils were called together and the troops still lying at Bremgarten summoned by their honor and oath to hasten up without delay. They obeyed, but in vain were the Bernese, first by the treasurer Eddlebach and then by the burgomaster Roist and two associate councilmen, conjured by everything which they held sacred, this once to come to the rescue of their old confederate-sister, only to enter the city for its immediate protection, whilst the Zurichers would fight without the walls. The cold answer was, that they would think over the matter, and write to the troops at Zofingen and the government at Bern. Not all of Diessbach's army shared this feeling with him. Jacob Mai thrust his sword at the bear in the banner, as though he would rouse him up to action. The field-chaplain Kolb spake thus to the assembled soldiery: "Your forefathers in a like case would have swum through the Rhine to attack the enemy; at the slightest call they marched to battle; the Gospel itself does not move you." These words were uttered with impunity; but yet they produced no effect. The men of Solothurn, Basel, Schaffhausen, Biel and Muehlhausen also joined the Bernese. Captain Friedbolt of St. Gall alone declared, that by order of his superiors, he would place life and property at the disposal of Zurich, and a small troop from Bischoffzell followed him. The majority of the Thurgovians and Toggenburgers, who were still encamped with the Zurichers, returned to their homes.
Meanwhile, the Catholics retired again before the Zurichers, marching up the left shore, with a reinforcement of 1,000 Graubuendners, ferried over from the right shore of the lake. The army under Hans Escher, who had succeeded Lavater in the chief command, encamped above Horgen on the heights of the Zimmerberg. Zurich now stood unsupported, except by her confederates of Graubuenden and a few from St. Gall. The rural districts were sighing for peace, and the Five Cantons began also to desire it. The absence of all the able-bodied men increased the distress at home, which was already great enough by reason of the famine; the inclemency of an early winter gave few charms to a life in the field, and the hamlets on the frontier, crowded with soldiers, began to feel the pinchings of want. Under these circumstances a letter was addressed by the Five Cantons to the "Parishes general and special, who are subject to Zurich," requesting them to conclude a special peace with the Catholics, in case the capital would refuse to do so. This produced a great excitement. Deputies from various parts of the canton appeared before the government, with the earnest prayer, that some means might be devised to prevent further invasion and relieve them from the burdens of the war, which had now became almost intolerable. After a long and violent struggle, the peace-party triumphed in the Council. Negotiations were opened; but the decision on the side of the Zurichers, according to ancient custom, was transferred to the commons-at-war, to whom the Council sent several of its most influential members as deputies.
Whilst the latter were assembling, the leaders of the Catholics deliberated over the conditions to be proposed. Their views were conflicting. Several of the most violent asserted that now the time had come to compel the city and canton of Zurich to return to the old faith, and that the restoration of the mass should be made an indispensable condition of peace.--Zurich, the schultheiss Golder declared, would never consent to this. He was supported in his opinion by the landammen Froger and Toss. And they even succeeded in securing for the inhabitants of the Territories, with the exception of the free bailiwicks and the burghers of Rapperschweil and Wesen, the privilege of retaining the Reformation, provided all those, who henceforth might wish to return to the mass, should be permitted to do so. One solitary voice objected to this liberality. Ægidius Tschudi deplored the result. "The counsel was pernicious," said he, "and a great injury to the true Catholic faith, to which God had given the victory. Accordingly, neither the schultheiss, nor they who followed him, namely, amman Froger of Uri and amman Toss of Zug, and several others, lived many years afterward."
Meanwhile the consultation was opened in the Zurichan camp by Escher, with the exhortation neither to be too fearful, nor yet too passionate. He said that the position of Zurich was critical, but not at all desperate; and that God would undoubtedly defend his Gospel, in which we should persevere to the last extremity. So to do was the unanimous resolution. But then opinions varied as to what should be done in regard to the Territories. Several persons, and among whom Sergeant George Mueller was prominent, made strong appeals to the sacred duty, which bound them to act for the people of the Territories, who had been summoned to a common resistance and assured of protection and help, as they would for their own. Others, on the contrary, endeavored to uphold the right of the Five Cantons to name conditions of peace in this case. But the following speech of an aged amman, Suter of the Horgerberg, had the greatest influence in bringing matters to a conclusion.
"Our general has spoken for a long time, and exhorted us not to be in a hurry to make peace. This perhaps might suit our Lords in the city. They have less to lose than we. Their support and revenues are sure, but our houses and hamlets are exposed to destruction. We have now been beaten twice by the enemy, and suffered a great defeat. It is easily seen that luck is against us. And there is no use to comfort ourselves because we have an abundance of supplies and provisions and our enemies none. For the greater their need, the greater will be their desire to injure us. Necessity drives them. It has already stirred up fury and revenge amongst them, and wrought great mischief, not only that we have violated the federal compact and the Landfriede toward them, but also that we have denied them the right to take away provisions; hence God is now angry at us and fights himself against us. We cannot rely on the aid of the Bernese. What good has all their force done us? We have not yet been able to prevail on them, in spite of every prayer and entreaty, to defend the city of our Lords, whilst we of the Horger are willing to incur the risk of danger, notwithstanding, they can lie there in security, since our Lords have commanded us to encamp against the main body of the enemy." The Bernese marched up very slowly to the battlefield of Cappel, and helped us very little, and they would not consent to send their troops to the Zugerberg. Remember the old saying, handed down from our forefathers: 'the men of Zurich will suffer loss rather than dishonor; the men of Bern dishonor rather than loss.' When we of Zurich undertake anything, we stake our all upon it, and look for success or failure; but the Bernese are just the reverse, sharing the victory with us in every enterprise, without putting their own skins in danger.[2] Some one has said, 'A loss should bring a man to his senses.' Since then we have experienced loss upon loss, we certainly ought to stop and think."
After this the negotiations were prosecuted vigorously on all sides. The commander-in-chief, with a numerous guard, went over to the leaders of the Five Cantons; a second meeting was held the next day and a treaty of peace concluded, of which the following are the chief articles: The Reformation shall be guaranteed in Zurich and all her immediate dependencies, as well as in those parts of the Territories, where it has already been received; yet all those, who may wish to return to the mass, or to prove by a new vote, which is the prevailing party, shall be at liberty to do so. Church property was to be divided according to the census. Zurich pledged herself to abstain from any further intervention, where she had no claim to rule. The Christian Buergerrecht and the first Landfriede were abrogated. The few remaining articles were devoted to damages, or the restitution of property, which had been seized. During the formation of the treaty the name of "Confederates" was once more heard. And now, after its conclusion, the deputies dismounted from their horses and knelt down in prayer. Then Captain Escher stepped up to the schultheiss Golder and the bailiffs of the Five Cantons, and offered his hand to each of them. Tears stood in every eye. They gave each other their canteens to drink from, took a friendly leave and returned to their respective camps.
But then a hard destiny, fines, punishments, the oppression of soldiers, quartered upon them, and a partial loss of their rights, were looked for by the inhabitants of Rapperschweil, the people in Caster and the free bailiwicks, and especially the cities of Bremgarten and Mellingen. Zurich had attempted to do what she could, at least for the latter, and invited them, through Rudolph Stoll, to send deputies to her negotiation with the Five Cantons. They refused to do it, relying on the protection promised by the Bernese, a part of whose forces were yet lying in their neighborhood. But these retired, as soon as the Catholics turned against them with serious purpose, and prepared for action, after the conclusion of the peace with Zurich. Urgently and sadly did the two cities beg the Bernese not to leave them helpless--to make some proposals at least in their behalf. The schultheiss Mutschli rode to Aarau after the commander Diessbach. He could remember, he there said to him, that it was only with reluctance, and after repeated orders from Zurich and Bern, that Bremgarten had prohibited the sale of provisions to the Five Cantons--that the vengeance of the enemy was sure, and their destruction very probable. Thus also spoke the people of Mellingen, as well as those of the free bailiwicks. "We do not treat you in this manner willingly," answered Diessbach, "but under the pressure of necessity. Act according to circumstances; Bern must take care of her own rights." Then Mutschli turned away with the words: "Jeremiah, the prophet, has spoken: 'Cursed be he who trusts in an arm of flesh!' This has been fulfilled to us this day. You cast us off in our misery. How can we then ever respect your claims? God in Heaven judge between us!" Once more they came to Zurich with prayers for succor, and immediately five deputies were dispatched to the Catholics at Muri, to intercede in their behalf. "You shall ride night and day," so they were instructed, "and not give over till the oppression of the people is removed, and you have obtained peace for them." But the Five Cantons remained inexorable, and the best that Zurich could do for her forsaken allies was to open her own gates for the reception of the most needy. Richly did one of these fugitives repay her for that act of kindness. In Henry Bullinger, the canton found the most worthy successor of her reformer. His talent, his mildness of character, his wise limitation of himself to what belonged directly to his calling, appeased the wide-spread discontent with the clergy, especially those from abroad, to whose instigations the late confusion and disaster were attributed; whilst on the other hand, his ample stores of knowledge, his unshaken firmness, where duty was concerned, and his unwearied zeal maintained the freedom of the Gospel and the cause of the Reformation, as far as could be in the midst of the general exhaustion. Meanwhile there was no hindrance to the return of the old estate to the limits of the canton and outside of it. Numerous altars were restored. The Catholic church and her priests awoke to renewed activity. Into the desolate cells of St. Gall, Muri, Einsiedeln, Wettingen, Rheinau, Katharinenthal, Hermatschweil and Gnadenthal marched back their exiled, or fugitive occupants, and in the feeling of victory, arose to new and stronger power. And now, what does this history teach? What does it teach every succeeding generation? That in all centuries wisdom and mildness, as well as rashness and violence, are the same. The former are a blessing to the nations, full of light and warmth; the latter only lead to unfruitful reactions. Whatever the Reformers did and said for the liberty of the Gospel has remained and borne rich fruits. All attempts on the other hand, to help this liberty to a triumph, in the way of violence, have only wrought injury. So, too, in our times, no good is to be hoped for from any party, whether under civil or ecclesiastical form, the inspiring soul of which is not the divine breath of love. The stronger the independence of the individual and the power of national feeling rise along with the everywhere growing freedom of the press, that engine of reformation in the hands of the Almighty, the more indispensable does it become for those who would lead others, to win them over by conscientious persuasion. But he alone can produce any permanent impression, who along with the free, true and loving word unites the power of his own example. Thinkers, indeed, might be willing to listen to the former, but the latter, speaks more clearly than any mere doctrine ever can, to the very heart of the people. Henceforward, naked power can establish nothing. No longer can the strong mind (and this is the character of the coming age) rule the world; only the strong and good will be able to show, how God rules it; but the princes and nations, who recognize this the soonest, shall become the wisest, and they also will attain the greatest power.