Now we come to the Tribute they paid, which at first was only skins of beasts, paid not by the Laplanders, but the Birkarli, yet only as an acknowledgement of their subjection to the Crown of Sweden. Buræus calls it naogra timber graoskin, graoskin signifies gray Squirrils skins, of which color the Squirrils were constantly in the Winter; timber denotes the number of the skins, which were fourty, tied together in a bundle. It is uncertain how many of these bundles the Birkarli gave, but in the Contract with Gustavus the first, those of Luhla and Pitha were engaged to pay 8, which makes in all 360 skins, besides two Martins skins. Those also of Torne were taxed with the same number; and shortly after this number was doubled, by an agreement made in 1528. But after the Birkarli had lost their priviledges, for the forementioned reasons, and the King received the tax by Commissioners for himself, it is very probable some more alteration were made. In the year 1602 they paid instead of skins every tenth Rain-deer, and one tenth of all their dried fish; which is clear from the commands given by Charles to his Deputies Olaus Burman and Henry Benegtson, at Stockholm on the 22d of July in the same year, to require the tribute in this manner, that so the Laplanders might know what and how much they were to pay: for it seems that from Gustavus the first’s time, till then, the Governors used no constant method in raising it, but sometimes demanded skins, at other times other sorts of goods that seemed most necessary for present use; so that by this uncertainty the tribute grew very heavy upon the Inhabitants, and their Governors took occasion from it to exact what they pleased under pretence of the public account, for their own proper uses. Yet this custom continued not long, being thought perhaps too burthensome to the Laplanders, and very prejudiciable to their herds; wherefore it was ordered in 1606, that every one which was then 17 years of age, should pay either two Bucks, or three Does out of their herds of Rain-deers, and eight pound of dried fish; as also every tenth Fawn out of their stock, and every tenth tun from their fishery. This tax was also imposed on the Birkarli that had any trafic with them. This order was kept a long while, and renewed again by the same King in 1610. The tribute they pay at this time is either mony, Rain-deers, or skins, either plain or fitted up for use. These they pay according to the largeness of the Provinces in which they dwell, the largest of which, they say, are een heel skatt, that is, they pay the full tribute; the lesser een half skatt, that is, half tribute; and so likewise for the rest. He that possesseth a Province of the whole tribute, pays two Patacoons, which they call Skattadaler, and others that have lesser possessions and half tribute, give one Patacoon; those which want mony, pay fish or skins, which are commonly of Foxes or Squirrils, of these 50, of the others one with a pair of Lapland shoes, are equal to a Patacoon: two pounds also of dry fish are of the same value; now to every pound of dried fish they allow five over, because so much is commonly lost in the drying. They call this pound with its addition Skattpund, that is the pound for tribute. They value their Rain-deers at 3 Dollars a piece, and pay the tenths of them, not each family, but every hundred. I have set the prices down here, because if any one had rather keep his Cattel, he can be forced to no more then after this rate. Now concerning the tenths they pay of skins, every housholder is taxed one white Foxe’s skin, or a pair of Lapland shoes; if he hath neither of these, half a pound of dried Jack. This is the Tribute yearly received by the Crown of Sweden from Lapland, of which the greatest part is commonly by the Kings gracious favor allowed for the maintenance of their Priests, as was shewn in another place. Now because it is so far both by Sea and Land, before these commodities can be brought to the Kings Storehouses, besides the ordinary tax they give a pair of Lapland shoes, which they call Haxapalka, that is the price for carriage. This is all they pay to the King of Sweden, but besides they are tributary to the Crown of Danmark, and the great Duke of Moscovy, not as Subjects to these Princes, but upon the account of their receiving several advantages from their Dominions in their hunting and fishing. Those that are thus, are all the allotments of Torna beyond the mountains, who by reason of the liberty they have to bring down their Cattel from the mountains into the vallies in the Summer time, near the Sea shore, and taking the opportunity from thence of fishing, are taxed by the Danes, but not at above half the rate that they pay to the Swedes. These allotments are called Koutokeine, Aujouara, Teno, and Utziocki. The Laplanders also of the allotment of Enare in Kiemi, are in the same condition, who for fishing and hunting pay both to the Danes and Moscovites as well as to the Swedes: to the first one half, to the other a third part of what the Swedes receive. The tribute was in former time gathered when the Governor pleased, but afterwards only in the Winter, against which time it was all brought into Storehouses, each County having its proper place for that purpose. But when the place for their Markets and Fairs was determined, the Governor came thither and received it, which course they still take in this business. That this was also the time for receiving it, will appear from the account I shall give of their Fairs in the next Chapter.
[CHAP. XIV.]
Of the Laplanders Fairs, and Customs in Trading.
That we may not yet leave the Public concerns of the Laplanders, of which we have treated, let us proceed in the next place to consider their Fairs and common Markets, in which what Customs they anciently used is not so well known. Paulus Jovius saies that among the Laplanders he that had any thing to sell, after he had exposed his Wares, went his way and left them, and that the Chapman coming, and taking what was for his turn, left in the place the full value thereof in white furrs or skins. The reason why they did not speak and bargain with their Chapmen, he saies was, because they were a rustic People, extreamly fearful, and ready to run away from the very sight of a ship, or stranger. Others, that are of a more probable opinion, confess indeed that they used no words in their trading, but that it was not out of rusticity, want of cunning, or the like; but because they had a language quite different from others, and so peculiar to themselves, that they could neither understand, nor be understood of their neighbours: so that it was rather the barbarism, and roughness of their speech, then manners, that made them use this dumb way of traffiking. But of their language we shall treat in its proper place.
Concerning their trading with their neighbours, it is most certain that it was performed without words, by nods and silent gestures: neither was it properly a buying and selling (for they did not of old use either gold or silver) but rather an exchange of one commodity for another. So that whereas Zieglerus tells us they did permutatione & pecunia commercia agere, we may justly doubt whether it be not rather to be read nec pecunia, (unless happily he intend pecunia in the primary sense, and hath more respect to the original of the word, then to the acception now in use.) And truly this way of exchange among them, in those ancient times, was no less then necessary; when indeed, as well the neighbouring Countries, as the Laplanders were quite strangers to any current mony; and this we may understand from the Swedes, among whom there were in those daies either no coins at all; or else only such as had bin transported out of England and Scotland, the use of the Mint being then utterly unknown in that Country. And if at that time there was no mony in Swedland, it is certainly no great wonder there should be none in Lapland. But neither in after times, and when they were under the Jurisdiction of the Birkarli, could the Laplanders come to the use of mony; for they that were Lords over them, monopolizing the whole trade to themselves, did not give them mony for their commodities, but such other merchandise, as their Country stood in need of. In fine to this very day the Laplanders know no other mony but the Patacoon and half Patacoon; other coins whether of copper, silver, or gold, they do not so much value, which will give us to understand that the use of mony among them cannot be of any long date, for the Patacoon is but of later daies, and was never known before the discovery of the Mine in the Vale of Joachim.
These Patacoons they value singly at 2 onces of silver a piece, whence it appears that as they had no other mony, so neither did this pass currant among them, but only by weight, and as if it were in the Mass: and I beleive was not at all in use, untill they were forced to pay tribute in that kind, of which I have discoursed before, and shewed that it was but of late instituted. But what Damianus means by his permutatione tantum annonam & pecuniam acquirunt, we cannot so easily guess; for we do not say that men barter and deal by exchange when mony is paid for a commodity: for to what end should those People seek after getting mony, which was in use neither among themselves nor their neighbours; so that perhaps here also we ought to read nec pecuniam, and then the sense runs, that they were not so sollicitous in getting mony, as in providing the more necessary things of life: altho neither is that true which he delivers of their provisions, as will appear from what follows.
But whatsoever Damianus means, it is most certain that in all their commerce they did but exchange one thing for another; and that to this day the same custom remains among them, who are now concern’d for no more mony then what is sufficient to pay their tribute. Only if there is any commodity among them of great and extraordinary value, that indeed is to be bought with mony.
Their custom is now, not as formerly, to bargain by signs and nods, but either they use speech, (for there are many of them now that are skilled in that of their neighbours) or Interpreters, of which there are plenty enough among them. They with whom they trafic are for the most part their neighbours, on the one side the Swedes and Norwegians, on the other the Finlanders, Russians, and Moscovites. Neither was it otherwise in old times, unless when they were under the power of the Birkarli, who endeavouring to get all the trade into their own hands, did more narrowly watch those that were nighest Sweden, that so they might exclude all but themselves from trafficking in any part of Lapland. The power that we read was given the Birkarli over the Laplanders by Ladulaus the great King, I suppose, chiefly consisted in this; for the other speciall rights and priviledges, which they and their ancestors for a long time possessed, Gustavus the first hath set down, as I have in another place declared.
And this we may also gather from the prohibition of Charles the ninth, denying the Birkarli the priviledge of trafficking in Lapland, as they had formerly done. The words of the injunction published in the year 1602 are to this purpose; And we do utterly forbid the Birkarli any more to trade for skins or other commodities, as they have formerly used. Before this time therefore they were either the only, or chief Merchants in Lapland, whither when they had brought their merchandise, they went round the Country purchasing all the skins they could, of which afterwards they made great sums of mony. And this they continually did till the time of Gustavus the first, when that priviledge began to be denyed them; by which they were grown so rich and powerfull, and what is the common consequent thereof, proud and haughty.
But neither could Gustavus provide against all their arts and evasions; for tho he took from them all power over the Laplanders, yet they being better skilled in the commodities of the Country and constitution of the People then others, did still, tho not so openly, keep correspondence and trafic with them, till in the year 1602, in the time of Charles the ninth, they were forbid by the forementioned injunction, at any time, or in any place, to hold any commerce with them, and the monopoly of all skins was annext to the Crown; a certain rate being set at which they were to be sold. The words of the Edict are thus: “Whatsoever skins are found in Lapland, we do command and enjoyn our Governors to buy up for our use, according to the statute and rate in that case provided.” And this was also again enforced in the year 1610, only in this there was a clause inserted, that the skins of Elkes should be brought into the Kings tresury gratis. The clause runs thus: “And we do command all Laplanders in our name to bring to our Governors all saleable skins, for which they shall return the worth in other commodities, as is by statute provided; but the skins of Elkes they shall seize upon for our use, not giving any consideration for them; if any man shall take this beast, it shall be lawfull for him to keep the flesh for his own private use, but the skin shall belong to Us and our Crown.” But their trading is now grown more general, and they have of late years learned to deal more freely and openly with other Nations; for they that dwell among the mountains that divide Norway and Swedland, deal both with the Norwegians and Swedes, and they that live more Northerly and Easterly with the Russians and Finlanders.
But I come to the commodities themselves, which Jovius saies are only white skins, or furrs, called Ermines. Zieglerus reckons fishes also, of which they have so great draughts, that they are forced to keep them in trunks and ponds till they can transport them into Northbothnia and Russia alba. But there are several other sorts of skins, which Olaus Magnus comprehends under a more general term, and calls pelles pretiosas. Sam. Rheen gives us this catalogue of them, the commodities of the Laplanders are, Raindeers, skins of Raindeers, skins of black, yellow, blew, white Foxes; skins of Otters, of Gluttons, or Badgers, of Martins, of Beavers, of Squirrils, of Wolves, and of Bears, Laplandish garments, Boots, shoes, Gloves, dried Pike, and Cheeses of Rain-deers. With these commodities the Laplanders traffic for Silver, Patacoons, Wollen and linnen Cloth, Copper, Alchimy, Salt, Corn, Bulls hides, Sulphur, Needles and Pins, Knives, Spirit of Wine, and which is more strange for Tobacco, of which as I said before they are great admirers.