Novanglus, and Massachusettensis / or, Political Essays, Published in the Years 1774 and 1775, on the Principal Points of Controversy, between Great Britain and Her Colonies

by John Adams; Daniel Leonard

"British America has been hitherto distinguished from the slavish colonies round about it, as the fortunate Britons have been from most of their neighbours on the continent of Europe. It is for the interest of Great-Britain that her Colonies be ever thus distinguished. Every man must wilfully blind himself that does not see the immense value of our acquisitions in the late war; and that though we did not retain all at the conclusion of peace, that we obtained by the sword, yet our gracious sovereign, at the same time that he has given a divine lesson of equitable moderation to the princes of the earth, has retained sufficient to make the British arms the dread of the universe, and his name dear to all posterity.

"To the freedom of the British constitution, and to their increase of commerce, it is owing, that our colonies have flourished without diminishing the inhabitants of our mother country, quite contrary to the effects of plantations, made by most other nations which have suffered at home, in order to aggrandize themselves abroad. This is remarkably the case of Spain. The subjects of a free and happy constitution of government, have a thousand advantages to colonize above those who live under despotic princes.

"We see how the British colonies on the continent have outgrown those of the French; notwithstanding, they have ever engaged the savages to keep us back. Their advantages over us in the West Indies, are, 1st. A capital neglect in former reigns, in suffering them to have a firm possession of so many valuable islands, that we had a better title to than they. 2. The French, unable to push their settlements effectually on the continent, have bent their views to islands, and poured vast numbers into them. 3. The climate and business of these islands is by nature much better adapted to Frenchmen and to Negroes, than to Britons. 4. The labour of slaves, black or white, will be ever cheaper than that of freemen, because that of individuals among the former, will never be worth so much as with the latter; but this difference is more than supplied, by numbers under the advantages above mentioned. The French will ever be able to sell their West India produce cheaper, than our own islanders; and yet, while our own islanders can have such a price for theirs, as to grow much richer than the French, or any other of the king's subjects in America, as is the case; and what the northern colonies take from the French, and other foreign islands, centers finally in return to Great Britain for her manufactures, to an immense value, and with a vast profit to her. It is contrary to the first principles of policy to cloy such a trade with duties; much more to prohibit it, to the risque, if not certain destruction of the fishery.

"It is allowed by the most accurate British writers on commerce, Mr. Postlethwait in particular, who seems to favour the cause of the sugar islands, that one half of the immense commerce of Great Britain is with her colonies. It is very certain, that without the fishery, seven eighths of this commerce would cease. The fishery is the centre of motion, upon which the wheel of all the British commerce in America turns. Without the American trade, would Britain, as a commercial state, make any great figure at this day in Europe?

"Her trade in woollen and other manufactures is said to be lessening, in all parts of the world, but America, where it is increasing, and capable of infinite increase, from a concurrence of every circumstance in its favour. Here is an extensive territory of different climates, which, in time, will consume, and be able to pay for as much manufactures as Great Britain and Ireland can make, if true maxims are pursued. The French, for reasons already mentioned, can underwork, and consequently undersell the English manufactures of Great Britain, in every market in Europe. But they can send none of their manufactures here; and it is the wish of every honest British American, that they never may; it is best they never should. We can do better without the manufactures of Europe, save those of Great Britain, than with them. But without the West India produce we cannot; without it our fishery must infallibly be ruined. When that is gone, our own islands will very poorly subsist. No British manufactures can be paid for by the colonists. What will follow? One of these two things, both of which it is the interest of Great Britain to prevent. 1st. The northern colonists must be content to go naked, and turn savages. Or 2d. become manufacturers of linnens and woollens, to clothe themselves; which, if they cannot carry to the perfection of Europe, will be very destructive to the interests of Great Britain. The computation has been made, and that within bounds; and it can be demonstrated, that if North America is only driven to the fatal necessity of manufacturing a suit of the most ordinary linnen or woollen, for each inhabitant, annually, which may be soon done, when necessity, the mother of invention shall operate, Great Britain and Ireland will lose two millions per annum, besides a diminution of the revenue to nearly the same amount. This may appear paradoxical; but a few years experience of the execution of the sugar act, will sufficiently convince the parliament, not only of the inutility, but destructive tendency of it, while calculations may be little attended to. That the trade with the colonies has been of a surprising advantage to Great Britain, notwithstanding the want of a good regulation, is past all doubt. Great Britain is well known to have increased prodigiously, both in numbers and in wealth, since she began to colonize. To the growth of the plantations, Britain is, in a great measure, indebted for her present riches and strength. As the wild wastes of America have been turned into pleasant habitations and flourishing trading towns; so many of the little villages and obscure boroughs in Great Britain, have put on a new face, and all suddenly started up and become fair markets and manufacturing towns, and opulent cities. London itself, which bids fair to be the metropolis of the world, is five times more populous than it was in the days of queen Elizabeth. Such are the fruits of the spirit of commerce and liberty. Hence it is manifested how much we all owe to that beautiful form of civil government, under which we have the happiness to live.

"It is evidently the interest, and ought to be the care of all those entrusted with the administration of government, to see that every part of the British empire enjoys to the full, the rights they are entitled to by the laws, and the advantages which result from their being maintained with impartiality and vigour. This we have seen reduced to practice in the present and preceding reigns; and have the highest reason, from the paternal care and goodness that his majesty, and the British parliament, have hitherto been graciously pleased to discover to all his majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, and to the colonists in particular, to rest satisfied, that our privileges will remain sacred and inviolate. The connection between Great Britain and her colonies is so natural and strong, as to make their mutual happiness depend upon their mutual support. Nothing can tend more to the destruction of both, and to forward the measures of their enemies, than sowing the seeds of jealousy, animosity, and dissention, between the mother country and the colonies.

"A conviction of the truth and importance of these principles, induced Great Britain, during the late war, to carry on so many glorious enterprises for the defence of the colonies; and those on their part to exert themselves beyond their ability to pay, as is evident, from the parliamentary reimbursements.

"If the spirit of commerce was attended to, perhaps duties would be every where decreased, if not annihilated, and prohibitions multiplied. Every branch of trade, that hurts a community, should be prohibited for the same reason, that a private gentleman would break off commerce with a sharper, or an extensive usurer. It is to no purpose to higgle with such people; you are sure to loose by them. It is exactly so with a nation, if the balance is against them; and they can possibly subsist without the commodities as they generally can in such cases, a prohibition is the only remedy; for a duty in such a case, is like a composition with a thief, that for five shillings in the pound returned, he shall rob you at pleasure; when, if the thing is examined to the bottom, you are at five shillings expense in travelling to get back your five shillings; and he is at the same expense in coming to pay it. So he robs you of but ten shillings in the pound, that you thus wisely compound for. To apply this to trade, I believe every duty, that was ever imposed on commerce, or in the nature of things can be, will be found to be divided between the state imposing the duty, and the country exported from. This, if between the several parts of the same kingdom or dominions of the same prince, can only tend to embarrass trade, and raise the price of labour above other states, which is of very pernicious consequence to the husbandman, manufacturer, mariner and merchant, the four tribes that support the whole hive. If your duty is upon a commodity of a foreign state, it is either upon the whole useful and gainful; and therefore necessary for the husbandman, manufacturer, mariner or merchant, as finally bringing a profit to the state, by a balance against your state. There is no medium that we know of. If the commodity is of the former kind, it should be prohibited; but if the latter, imported duty free, unless you would raise the price of labour by a duty on necessaries, or make the above wise composition for the importation of commodities, you are sure to lose by it.

"The only test of a useful commodity is the gain upon the whole to the state; such should be free; the only test of a pernicious trade is the loss upon the whole or to the community; this should be prohibited. If therefore it can be demonstrated, that the sugar and molasses trade from the northern colonies to the foreign plantations, is, upon the whole, a loss to the community, by which term is here meant, the three kingdoms and the British dominions taken collectively, then, and not till then, should this trade be prohibited. This never has been proved, nor can be; the contrary being certain, to wit: that the nation upon the whole hath been a vast gainer by this trade, in the vend of and pay for its manufactures; and a great loss by a study upon this trade will finally fall on the British husbandman, manufacturer, mariner and merchant; and consequently the trade of the nation be wounded, and in constant danger of being eat out by those who can undersell her.

"The art of underselling, or rather of finding means to undersell, is the grand secret of thrift among commercial states, as well as among individuals of the same state. Should the British sugar islands ever be able to supply Great Britain, and her northern colonies with those articles, it will be time enough to think of a total prohibition; but until that time, both prohibition and duty will be found to be diametrically opposite to the first principles of policy. Such is the extent of this continent, and the increase of its inhabitants, that if every inch of the British sugar islands was as well cultivated as any part of Jamaica or Barbadoes, they would not now be able to supply Great Britain, and the colonies on this continent. But before such further improvements can be supposed to take place in our islands, the demands will be proportionably increased by the increase of the inhabitants on the continent. Hence the reason is plain, why the British sugar planters are growing rich, and demands on them, ever will be greater than they can possibly supply, so long as the English hold this continent, and are unrivalled in the fishery.