I agree with his lordship, that it is the most consummate mass of absurdity, inconsistency and contradiction that ever was put together. But I appeal to your taste and your conscience, whether the foregoing remonstrance of James Otis is not as terse a morsel of good sense, as Athanasius's Creed is of nonsense and blasphemy?
The same day the above remonstrance was delivered, the town was alarmed with a report, that the house had sent a message to his excellency, reflecting on his majesty's person and government, and highly derogatory to his crown and dignity, and therein desired, that his excellency would in no case take the advice of his majesty's council.
The governor's letter to the speaker, is as judge Minot represents it. Upon reading it, the same person who had before cried out, treason! treason! when he first heard the offensive words, now cried out, "rase them! rase them!" They were accordingly expunged.
In the course of the debate, a new and surprising doctrine was advanced. We have seen the times, when the majority of a council by their words and actions have seemed to think themselves obliged to comply with every thing proposed by the chair, and to have no rule of conduct but a governor's will and pleasure. But now for the first time it was asserted, that the governor in all cases was obliged to act according to the advice of council, and consequently would be deemed to have no judgment of his own.
In page 17, Mr. Otis enters on his apology, excuse or justification of the offensive words: which, as it is as facetious as it is edifying, I will transcribe at length in his own words, viz:
"In order to excuse, if not altogether justify the offensive passage, and clear it from ambiguity, I beg leave to premise two or three data. 1. God made all men naturally equal. 2. The ideas of earthly superiority, pre-eminence and grandeur, are educational, at least acquired, not innate. 3. Kings were, and plantation governors should be made for the good of the people, and not the people for them. 4. No government has a right to make hobby-horses, asses and slaves of the subjects; nature having made sufficient of the former, for all the lawful purposes of man, from the harmless peasant in the field, to the most refined politician in the cabinet; but none of the last, which infallibly proves they are unnecessary. 5. Though most governments are de facto arbitrary, and consequently the curse and scandal of human nature, yet none are de jure arbitrary. 6. The British constitution of government, as now established in his majesty's person and family, is the wisest and best in the world. 7. The king of Great Britain is the best, as well as the most glorious monarch upon the globe, and his subjects the happiest in the universe. 8. It is most humbly presumed, the king would have all his plantation governors follow his royal example, in a wise and strict adherence to the principles of the British constitution, by which in conjunction with his other royal virtues, he is enabled to reign in the hearts of a brave and generous, a free and loyal people. 9. This is the summit, the ne plus ultra of human glory and felicity. 10. The French king is a despotic arbitrary prince, and consequently his subjects are very miserable.
"Let us now take a more careful review of this passage, which by some out of doors has been represented as seditious, rebellious, and traitorous. I hope none, however, will be so wanting to the interest of their country, as to represent the matter in this light on the east side of the Atlantic, though recent instances of such a conduct might be quoted, wherein the province has, after its most strenuous efforts, during this and other wars been painted in all the odious colours, that avarice, malice, and the worst passions could suggest.
"The house assert, that it would be of little consequence to the people, whether they were subject to George or Louis; the king of Great Britain or the French king, if both were arbitrary as both would be, if both could levy taxes without parliament. Or in the same words transposed without the least alteration of the sense. It would be of little consequence to the people, whether they were subject to George the king of Great Britain, or Louis the French king, if both were arbitrary, as both would be, if both could levy taxes without parliament.
"The first question that would occur to a philosopher, if any question could be made about it, would be, whether it were true? But truth being of little importance, with most modern politicians, we shall touch lightly on that topic, and proceed to inquiries of a more interesting nature.
"That arbitrary government implies the worst of temporary evils, or at least the continual danger of them, is certain. That a man would be pretty equally subject to these evils, under every arbitrary government, is clear. That I should die very soon after my head should be cut off, whether by a sabre or a broad sword, whether chopped off to gratify a tyrant, by the Christian name of Tom, Dick, or Harry, is evident. That the name of the tyrant would be of no more avail to save my life, than the name of the executioner, needs no proof. It is therefore manifestly of no importance what a prince's christian name is, if he be arbitrary, any more indeed if he were not arbitrary. So the whole amount of this dangerous proposition, may at least, in one view be reduced to this, viz: It is of little importance what a king's christian name is. It is, indeed, of importance, that a king, a governor, and all other good christians, should have a christian name, but whether Edward, Francis, or William, is of none, that I can discern. It being a rule, to put the most mild and favourable construction upon words, that they can possibly bear, it will follow, that this proposition is a very harmless one, that cannot by any means tend to prejudice his majesty's person, crown, dignity, or cause, all which I deem equally sacred with his excellency.