"George R.—His Majesty thinks proper to acquaint the House of Commons, that the Assembly now exercising the powers of Government in France have, without previous notice, directed acts of hostility to be committed against the persons and property of His Majesty's subjects, in breach of the law of nations, and of the most positive stipulations of treaty, and have since, on the most groundless pretensions, actually declared war against His Majesty and the United Provinces; under the circumstances of this wanton and unprovoked aggression, His Majesty has taken the necessary steps to maintain the honour of his Crown, and to vindicate the rights of his people; and His Majesty relies with confidence on the firm and effectual support of the House of Commons, and on the zealous exertions of a brave and loyal people, in prosecuting a just and necessary war, and endeavouring, under the blessing of Providence, to oppose an effectual barrier to the farther progress of a system which strikes at the security and peace of all independent nations, and is pursued in open defiance of every principle of moderation, good faith, humanity, and justice.
"In a cause of such general concern, His Majesty has every reason to hope for the cordial co-operation of those Powers who are united with His Majesty by the ties of alliance, or who feel an interest in preventing the extension of anarchy and confusion, and in contributing to the security and tranquillity of Europe.
G. R."
The Government was determined to do nothing by halves, and, as the law of nations had not yet condemned the practice, they (on the 12th February) caused to be issued, by the Admiralty, letters of marque,[1] and reprisals against the French shipping—whilst pressgangs scoured the streets and boarded all vessels for seamen. As, for instance (16th February), "A press broke out in the river yesterday morning, all the seamen were taken from the colliers, and the gangs were very successful." And every means were taken to get sailors to volunteer, vide the following extract out of a letter from Rochester, 15th February:—"Three guineas are given to an able-bodied seaman, two guineas to an ordinary seaman, and one guinea to a landsman (above the King's bounty), to those who shall enter within a month in this city; being the voluntary generosity of the Mayor and corporation here." And this example was followed by many other corporations.
War being declared, preparations for it were carried on with the utmost vigour. The Duke of York, colonel of the Guards (afterwards on 12th April made general), addressed the three regiments on parade, told them that he would accompany them to Holland, and asked for volunteers. This met with an unanimous response, but the number required being limited, such men, only, were selected, who were judged fittest for the service, and they started on their expedition on 25th February, after having been inspected by the King.
It is no part of the scheme of this book to follow the fortunes of the war, and, as there is little else noteworthy in the year 1793, we pass to the next year.
On the 22nd February, 1794, His Majesty sent a message to Parliament, calling attention to the expediency of increasing the land forces, and, consequently, a large increase in the militia, and an addition to the fencible corps, were voted, and the Secretary of State sent a circular to all the Lords-lieutenant of Counties, recommending them to solicit voluntary contributions towards carrying on the war.
Wilberforce still continued to agitate the slave question, although not on the same lines as formerly. He changed his tactics, and, as the sense of the House, on a previous occasion, was in favour of gradually doing away with it, he introduced a Bill for abolishing that part of the slave trade which related to the supply of foreign plantations. Of course it met with opposition, Sir William Young moving that it be read a second time this day (26th February) six months, but it was carried in the Lower House, the numbers for the second reading being 56 against 38—majority, 18. The Bill, however, was thrown out in the Lords, owing to the opposition of Lord Grenville, who argued that such a Bill should not be introduced whilst the House was instituting inquiry into the whole question. And so, for a time, it dropped, perforce.
Many amongst us seem to think that Sir Rowland Hill originated the penny post, but such is not the fact. That it was mainly through his instrumentality that letters could be sent to all parts of England, Scotland, and Ireland, at the uniform price of one penny, and that he did much to re-organise the vast establishment of the post-office, is beyond doubt; but the penny post existed long before that. There is a squabble between Dockwra and Murray as to which of them commenced it in 1683; at all events, the Government took it from Dockwra in 1690, and afterwards gave him a pension of £500 a year, and he was made Controller of the District Post; but he was finally discharged, on account of some charges of malversation, &c., brought against him.
In 1711 an Act was passed abolishing the penny post, and on June 23rd of that year a proclamation was issued, putting it in force. But it was resuscitated, for we find, in the Parliamentary intelligence of the Times, 26th February, 1794: "House of Commons, 25th February. The House having gone into Committee, Mr. Long proposed some resolutions to be adopted as an improvement on the mode of carrying letters by the penny post. It was proposed that letters sent by the penny post should be carried six times every day, and that an additional duty of one penny should be paid to the King,—that is, as we understand it, that the person who receives the letter shall pay a penny in all cases, as well as he who sends it. Another resolution was, that the postage of letters in the islands of Guernsey and Jersey should be the same as in England." Pitt explained that the extra penny would, probably, only cover the extra cost involved in having six deliveries, and, after a short debate, the resolutions passed the Committee.