History of Roman Literature from its Earliest Period to the Augustan Age. Vol. II

by John Colin Dunlop

	Sallust, his character, ii. [82]. His Gardens, [ibid.]His conspiracy of Catiline, and Jugurthine war, [84]–[88].His Roman History, [92].
	His Gardens, [ibid.]
	His conspiracy of Catiline, and Jugurthine war, [84]–[88].
	His Roman History, [92].
	Satire, Roman, origin of, i. 232.
	Senatusconsultum, what, ii. [137].
	Sisenna, Roman Annalist, ii. [75].
	Sulpicius, his worthless character, ii. [121]. His style of oratory, [122].
	His style of oratory, [122].
	Sylla, his library, ii. [50]. His Memoirs of his Life, [77].His character, [78].
	His Memoirs of his Life, [77].
	His character, [78].

	Terence, i. 175–206. Compared with Plautus, 206.
	Compared with Plautus, 206.
	Theatre, Roman, its construction, i. 337–353.
	Tyrannio, his library, ii. [52].
	Trabea, i. 173.

	Varro, his farms and villas, ii. [25]. His work on Agriculture, [28]–[34].De Lingua Latina, [34].Other works of Varro, [40].
	His work on Agriculture, [28]–[34].
	De Lingua Latina, [34].
	Other works of Varro, [40].

FINIS.

JAMES KAY, JUN. PRINTER.

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Footnotes

[1.]Voyage du Jeune Anacharsis, T. II. c. 20.[2.]Antiquitat. Rom. Lib. I.[3.]Geograph. Lib. VI.[4.]Hist. Nat. Lib. XVIII. c. 11.; XXXVII. c. 12.[5.]Virgil, Georg. Lib. II.[6.]Plutarch, in Numa.[7.]Livy, Epitome, Lib. XVIII. Valer. Maxim. Lib. IV. c. 4. § 6.[8.]Cicero, De Senectute, c. 16.[9.]Rapin, Hortorum, Lib. IV.[10.]Bonstetten, Voyage dans le Latium, p. 274.[11.]J. C. L. Sismondi, Tableau de l’Agriculture Toscane, and Chasteauvieux, Lettres Ecrites d’Italie. Paris, 1816. 2 Tom.[12.]Plutarch, in Cato.[13.]Plutarch, in Cato.[14.]Plin. Hist. Nat. Lib. XIV. c. 4; Lib. XVI. c. 39.[15.]Plutarch, in Cato.[16.]Ibid.[17.]In Cato.[18.]C. 160.[19.]Cicero, Brutus, c. 17.[20.]Vegetius, Lib. I. c. 8.[21.]Plutarch, in Cato.[22.]Valerius Maximus, Lib. VIII. c. 7. Valerius says, he was in his 86th year; but Cato did not survive beyond his 85th. Cicero, in Bruto, c. 20. Pliny, Hist. Nat. Lib. XIX. c. 1.[23.]Livy, Lib. XXXIX. c. 40.[24.]Lib. XXXIV. c. 2.[25.]Noct. Attic. Lib. VII. c. 3.[26.]Brutus, c. 17.[27.]Lib. XXXIX. c. 40.[28.]Noct. Attic. Lib. X. c. 3.[29.]Hist. Nat. Lib. VIII. c. 5.[30.]Brutus, c. 17.[31.]Brutus, c. 87.[32.]Quintil. Inst. Orat. Lib. III. c. 1.[33.]Pliny, Hist. Nat. Lib. XXV. c. 2.[34.]Pliny, Hist. Nat. Lib. XXV. c. 2.[35.]Livy, Lib. IV. c. 25.[36.]Plin. Hist. Nat. Lib. XXIX. c. 1.[37.]Plutarch, in Cato.[38.]Plin. Hist. Nat. Lib. XX. c. 9.[39.]Ibid. Lib. XXIX. c. 1.[40.]Pliny, Hist. Nat. Lib. XXIX. c. 1.[41.]Stor. del. Let. Ital. Part. III. Lib. III. c. 5. § 5.[42.]See Spon, Recherches Curieuses d’Antiquité. Diss. 27. Bayle, Dict. Hist. art. Porcius, Rem. H.
In what degree of estimation medicine was held at Rome, and by what class of people it was practised, were among the quæstiones vexatæ of classical literature in our own country in the beginning and middle of last century. Dr Mead, in his Oratio Herveiana, and Spon, in his Recherches d’Antiquité, followed out an idea first suggested by Casaubon, in his animadversions on Suetonius, that physicians in Rome were held in high estimation, and were frequently free citizens; that it was the surgeons who were the servile pecus; and that the erroneous idea of physicians being slaves, arose from confounding the two orders. These authors chiefly rested their argument on classical passages, from which it appears that physicians were called the friends of Cicero, Cæsar, and Pompey. Middleton, in a well known Latin dissertation, maintains that there was no distinction at Rome between the physician, surgeon, and apothecary, and that, till the time of Julius Cæsar at least, the art of medicine was exercised only by foreigners and slaves, or by freedmen, who, having obtained liberty for their proficiency in its various branches, opened a shop for its practice.—De Medicorum apud veteres Romanos degentium Conditione Dissertatio. Miscellaneous Works, Vol. IV. See on this topic, Schlæger, Histor. litis, De Medicorum apud veteres Romanos degentium Conditione. Helmst. 1740.[43.]Noct. Attic. Lib. VII. c. 10.[44.]De Officiis, Lib. I. c. 29. Multa sunt multorum facete dicta: ut ea, quæ a sene Catone collecta sunt, quæ vocant apophthegmata.[45.]Sat. Lib. I. 2.[46.]For Cato’s family, see Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic. Lib. XIII. c. 19.[47.]We have many minute descriptions of the villas of luxurious Romans, from the time of Hortensius to Pliny, but there are so few accounts of those in the simpler age of Scipio, that I have subjoined the description of Seneca, who saw this mansion precisely in the same state it was when possessed and inhabited by the illustrious conqueror of Hannibal. “Vidi villam structam lapide quadrato, murum circumdatum sylvæ, turres quoque in propugnaculum villæ utrimque subrectas. Cisternam ædificiis et viridibus subditam, quæ sufficere in usum exercitûs posset. Balneolum angustum, tenebricosum ex consuetudine antiquâ. Magna ergo me voluptas subit contemplantem mores Scipionis et nostros. In hoc angulo, ille Carthaginis horror, cui Roma debet quod tantum semel capta est, abluebat corpus laboribus rusticis fessum; exercebat enim operâ se, terramque, ut mos fuit priscis, ipse subigebat. Sub hoc ille tecto tam sordido stetit—hoc illum pavimentum tam vile sustinuit.” Senec. Epist. 86.[48.]Lib. II.[49.]Trionfo della Fama, c. 3.[50.]Varro, De Re Rusticâ, Lib. II. proœm.[51.]Cæsar, Comment. de Bello Civili, Lib. II. c. 17, &c.[52.]Suetonius, in Jul. Cæs. c. 44.[53.]Epist. Fam. Lib. IX. Ep. 6. Ed. Schütz.[54.]De Re Rusticâ, Lib. II.[55.]Cicero, Philip. II. c. 40.[56.]See Castell’s Villas of the Ancients.[57.]De Re Rusticâ, Lib. III. c. 5.[58.]Classical Tour in Italy.[59.]Appian, De Bello Civili, Lib. IV. 47.[60.]Berwick’s Lives of Asin. Pollio, M. Varro, &c.[61.]Scaligerana prima, p. 144.[62.]Πολυγραφωτατος. Epist. ad Attic. Lib. III. Ep. 18.[63.]Cicero, De Divinat. Lib. I. c. 18. Seneca, Epist. 98.[64.]Suetonius, De Illust. Grammat. c. 1.[65.]Suetonius (De Illust. Gram.) says, that he was sent by Attalus, at the moment of the death of Ennius. Now, Ennius died in 585, at which time Eumenes reigned at Pergamus, and was not succeeded by Attalus till the year 595; so that Suetonius was mistaken, either as to the year in which Crates came to Rome, or the king by whom he was sent—I rather think he was wrong in the latter point; for, if Crates was the first Greek rhetorician who taught at Rome, which seems universally admitted, he must have been there before 593, in which year the rhetoricians were expressly banished from Rome, along with the philosophers.[66.]Suetonius, c. 2.[67.]Court de Gebelin, Monde Primitif, T. VI. Disc. Prelim. p. 12.[68.]Epist. ad Attic. Lib. XIII. Ep. 12.[69.]Ibid. Lib. XIII. Ep. 18.[70.]Epist. Famil. Lib. IX. Ep. 8.[71.]Aulus Gellius, Lib. I. c. 18[72.]See also as to the Celtic derivations, Court de Gebelin, Monde Primitif. Disc. Prelim. T. VI. p. 23.[73.]Jupiter, Juno, Saturnus, Vulcanus, Vesta, et alii plurimi quos Varro conatur ad mundi partes sive elementa transferre. (St August. Civit. Dei, Lib. VIII. c. 5.)[74.]Lactantius, Div. Inst. Lib. I. c. 6.[75.]Bolingbroke, Use and Study of History, Lett. 3.[76.]Au. Gellius, Lib. XIV. c. 7.[77.]St Augustine, De Civitat. Dei, Lib. XIX. c. 1.[78.]Antiochus of Ascalon, a teacher of the old Academy.[79.]Fabricius, Biblioth. Latin. Lib. I. c. 7.[80.]Au. Gellius, Noct. Attic. Lib. XIII. c. 11.[81.]Ibid. Lib. VII. c. 16.[82.]Tom. I. p. 241.[83.]It was long believed, that Pope Gregory the First had destroyed the works of Varro, in order to conceal the plagiarisms of St Augustine, who had borrowed largely from the theological and philosophic writings of the Roman scholar. This, however, is not likely. That illustrious Father of the Christian Church is constantly referring to the learned heathen, without any apparent purpose of concealment; and he extols him in terms calculated to attract notice to the subject of his eulogy. Nor did St Augustine possess such meagre powers of genius, as to require him to build up the city of the true God from the crumbling fragments of Pagan temples.[84.]Academ. Poster. Lib. I. c. 3.[85.]Morhof, Polyhistor. Tom. I. Lib. I. Falsterus, Hist. Rei Liter. ap. Roman.[86.]Middendorp, De Academ. Lib. III.[87.]Tiraboschi, Stor. dell Lett. Ital. Part III. Lib. III. c. 8.[88.]Plin. Hist. Nat. Lib. XVIII. c. 3.[89.]Plutarch, in Paul. Æmil.[90.]Id. in Sylla.[91.]Plutarch, in Lucullo.[92.]Ibid.[93.]Epist. ad Attic. Lib. IV. Ep. 4 and 8.[94.]Epist. ad Quint. Frat. Lib. II. Ep. 4. According to some writers, it was a younger Tyrannio, the disciple of the elder, who arranged Cicero’s library, and taught his nephew.—Mater, Ecole d’Alexandrie, Tom. I. p. 179.[95.]Suidas, Lexic.[96.]Plin. Hist. Nat. Lib. VII. c. 30.[97.]Plin. Hist. Nat. Lib. XXXV. c. 14.[98.]Au. Gellius, Lib. IV. c. 9.[99.]Plutarch, in Cicero.[100.]Chron. Euseb.[101.]Suetonius, in August. c. 94.[102.]Au. Gellius, Noct. Attic. Lib. XIX. c. 14.[103.]Ibid.[104.]Au. Gellius, Lib. X. c. 4.[105.]See farther, with regard to Nigidius Figulus, Bayle, Dict. Histor. Art. Nigidius, and Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscriptions, Tom. XXIX. p. 190.[106.]Au. Gellius, Noct. Attic. Lib. XIII. c. 9.[107.]Griffet, De Arte Regnandi.[108.]De Oratore, Lib. II. c. 13.[109.]Vopiscus, Vit. Taciti Imp.[110.]Römische Geschichte, Tom. I. p. 367.[111.]Cicero, De Oratore, Lib. II. c. 13.[112.]Lib. I. c. 2.[113.]Quæ in Commentariis Pontificum aliisque publicis privatisque erant monumentis, incensâ urbe, pleræque interîere. Livy, Lib. VI. c. 1.[114.]Livy, Lib. VI. c. 1.[115.]Polybius, Lib. III. c. 22, 25, 26.[116.]Epist. Lib. II. Ep. 1.[117.]Lib. IV. p. 257. ed. Sylburg, 1586.[118.]Lib. II. p. 111.[119.]Lib. III. p. 174.[120.]Lib. IV. c. 7.[121.]Lib. III. c. 22.[122.]Hist. Nat. Lib. XXXIV. c. 14.[123.]Hist. Nat. Lib. XXXIV. c. 14.[124.]Livy, Lib. IV. c. 23.[125.]Dionys. Halic. Lib. I. p. 60.[126.]Pliny, Hist. Nat. Lib. XXXV. c. 2.[127.]In Numa.[128.]Lib. VIII. c. 40.[129.]His laudationibus historia rerum nostrarum est facta mendosior. Multa enim scripta sunt in iis, quæ facta non sunt—falsi triumphi, plures consulatus, genera etiam falsa. Brutus, c. 16.[130.]Lib. III. c. 20.[131.]L’Evesque, Hist. Critique de la Republique Romaine, T. I.[132.]Livy, Lib. V. c. 21.[133.]Bankes, Civil History of Rome, Vol. I.[134.]Brutus, c. 11.[135.]Livy, Lib. II. c. 40.[136.]The question concerning the authenticity or uncertainty of the Roman history, was long, and still continues to be, a subject of much discussion in France.—“At Paris,” said Lord Bolingbroke, “they have a set of stated paradoxical orations. The business of one of these was to show that the history of Rome, for the four first centuries was a mere fiction. The person engaged in it proved that point so strongly, and so well, that several of the audience, as they were coming out, said, the person who had set that question had played booty, and that it was so far from being a paradox, that it was a plain and evident truth.”—Spence’s Anecdotes, p. 197. It was chiefly in the Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, &c. that this literary controversy was plied. M. de Pouilly, in the Memoirs for the year 1722, produced his proofs and arguments against the authenticity. He was weakly opposed, in the following year, by M. Sallier, and defended by M. Beaufort, in the Memoirs of the Academy, and at greater length in his Dissert. sur l’Incertitude des cinq premiers siècles de l’Hist. Romaine, (1738,) which contains a clear and conclusive exposition of the state of the question. The dispute has been lately renewed in the Memoirs of the Institute, in the proceedings of which, for 1815, there is a long paper, by M. Levesque, maintaining the total uncertainty of the Roman history previous to the invasion of the Gauls; while the opposite side of the question has been strenuously espoused by M. Larcher. This controversy, though it commenced in France, has not been confined to that country. Hooke and Gibbon have argued for the certainty, (Miscell. Works, Vol. IV. p. 40,) and Cluverius for the uncertainty, of the Roman history, (Ital. Antiq. Lib. III. c. 2.) Niebuhr, the late German historian of Rome, considers all before Tullus Hostilius as utterly fabulous. The time that elapsed from his accession to the war with Pyrrhus, he regards as a period to be found in almost every history, between mere fable and authentic record. Beck, in the introduction to his German translation of Ferguson’s Roman Republic, Ueber die Quellen der altesten Römischen Geschichte und ihren Werth, has attempted to vindicate the authenticity of the Roman history to a certain extent; but his reasonings and citations go little farther than to prove, what never can be disputed, that there is much truth in the general outline of events—that the kings were expelled—that the Etruscans were finally subdued; and that consuls were created. He admits, that much rested on tradition; but tradition, he maintains, is so much interwoven with every history, that it cannot be safely thrown away. The remainder of the treatise is occupied with a feeble attempt to show, that more monuments existed at Rome after its capture by the Gauls, than is generally supposed, and that Fabius Pictor made a good use of them.[137.]Pliny, Hist. Nat. Lib. XXXV. c. 4.[138.]Hankius, De Romanar. Rerum Scriptor. Pars I. c. 1.[139.]Lib. VII.[140.]Lib. IV. p. 234.[141.]In Romulo.[142.]Lib. III. c. 9.[143.]Lib. I.[144.]Lib. III. c. 8.[145.]Ernesti has attempted, but I think unsuccessfully, to support the authenticity of the Annals of Fabius against the censures of Polybius, in his dissertation, entitled, Pro Fabii Fide adversus Polybium, inserted in his Opuscula Philologica, Leipsic, 1746—Lugd. Bat. 1764. He attempts to show, from other passages, that Polybius was a great detractor of preceding historians, and that he judged of events more from what was probable and likely to have occurred, than from what actually happened, and that no historian could have better information than Fabius. To the interrogatories which Polybius puts to Fabius, with regard to the causes assigned by him as the origin of the second Punic war, Ernesti replies for him, that the Senate of Carthage could no more have taken the command from Hannibal in Spain, or delivered him up, than the Roman Senate could have deprived Cæsar of his army, when on the banks of the Rubicon; and as to the support which Hannibal received while in Italy, it is answered, that it was quite consistent with political wisdom, and the practice of other nations, for a government involuntarily forced into a struggle, by the disobedience or evil counsels of its subjects, to use every exertion to obtain ultimate success, or extricate itself with honour, from the difficulties in which it had been reluctantly involved.[146.]Lib. I. p. 64.[147.]Fabium æqualem temporibus hujusce belli potissimum auctorem habui. Lib. XXII. c. 7.[148.]Brutus, c. 27.[149.]Hist. Nat. Lib. XI. c. 53.[150.]Noct. Attic. Lib. XI. c. 14.[151.]He also probably suggested to Sallust a phrase which has given much scandal in so grave a historian. Cicero says, in one of his letters, (Epist. Famil. Lib. IX. Ep. 22,) “At vero Piso, in annalibus suis, queritur, adolescentes peni deditos esse.”[152.]Römische Geschichte, Tom. I. p. 245.
As his account of Roman affairs was written in Greek, I omit in the list of Latin annalists Lucius Cincius Alimentus, who was contemporary with Fabius, having been taken prisoner by Hannibal during the second Punic war. But though his history was in Greek, he wrote in Latin a biographical sketch of the Sicilian Rhetorician Gorgias Leontinus, and also a book, De Re Militari, which has been cited by Au. Gellius, and acknowledged by Vegetius as the foundation of his more elaborate Commentaries on the same subject.[153.] Brutus, c. 26.[154.]The passage is a fragment from the first book of Sallust’s lost history. Mar. Victorinus in prim. Ciceronis de Inventione.[155.]De Fontibus et Auctoritate Vitarum Parallel. Plutarchi, p. 134. Gotteng. 1820.[156.]Lib. I. c. 7.[157.]Brutus, c. 26.[158.]Lib. I. c. 7.[159.]Æl. Spartianus, in Hadriano.[160.]Au. Gellius, Noct. Attic. Lib. II. c. 13.[161.]De Legibus, Lib. I. c. 2.[162.]Lib. V. c. 18.[163.]Brutus, c. 35.[164.]Noct. Attic. Lib. IX. c. 13.[165.]Noct. Attic. Lib. XIII. c. 28.[166.]Ibid. Lib. VII. c. 19.[167.]Noct. Attic. Lib. VI. c. 8.[168.]See above, Vol. I. p. 322.[169.]Brutus, c. 63.[170.]Lib. II. c. 9.[171.]Jugurtha, c. 95.[172.]Brutus, c. 63.[173.]De Legibus, Lib. I. c. 2.[174.]Brutus, c. 29. Some persons have supposed that Cicero did not here mean Xenophon’s Cyropædia, but a life of Cyrus, written by Scaurus. This, indeed, seems at first a more probable meaning than that he should have bestowed a compliment apparently so extravagant on the Memoirs of Scaurus; but his words do not admit of this interpretation.—“Præclaram illam quidem, sed neque tam rebus nostris aptam, nec tamen Scauri laudibus anteponendam.”[175.]Lib. VII.[176.]In Mario.[177.]Lib. II. c. 13.[178.]Lib. II. c. 5. Lib. VI. c. 4.[179.]Plutarch, in Lucullo.[180.]Plutarch, In Sylla.—Appian.[181.]In Mario.[182.]Memoirs of the Court of Augustus, Vol. I.[183.]In Vespasiano, c. 8.[184.]Malheureux sort de l’histoire! Les spectateurs sont trop peu instruits, et les acteurs trop interessés pour que nous puissions compter sur les recits des uns ou des autres.—Gibbon’s Miscell. Works, Vol. IV.[185.]Noct. Att. Lib. XVII. c. 18.[186.]Nardini, Roma Antica. Lib. IV. c. 7.[187.]Steuart’s Sallust, Essay I.[188.]Classical Tour, Vol. II. c. 6.[189.]Sat. Lib. I. Sat. 2.[190.]Suetonius, De Grammaticis.[191.]Leben des Sallust.[192.]Bankes, Civil Hist. of Rome, Vol. II.[193.]The authors of the Universal History suppose that these books were Phœnician and Punic volumes, carried off from Carthage by Scipio, after its destruction, and presented by him to Micipsa; and they give a curious account of these books, of which some memory still subsists, and which they conjecture to have formed part of the royal collection of Numidia.[194.]Senec. Epist. 114.[195.]It is curious into what gross blunders the most learned and accurate writers occasionally fall. Fabricius, speaking of these letters, says, “Duæ orationes (sive epistolæ potius) de Rep. ordinandâ ad Cæsarem missæ, cum in Hispanias proficisceretur contra Petreium et Afranium, victo Cn. Pompeio.”—Bibliothec. Latin. Lib. I. c. 9.[196.]Lectiones Subsecivæ, Lib. I. c. 3. Lib. II. c. 2.[197.]Asinius Pollio, however, as we learn from Suetonius, thought that the Commentaries were drawn up with little care or accuracy, that the author was very credulous as to the actions of others, and that he had very hastily written down what regarded himself, with the intention, which he never accomplished, of afterwards revising and correcting.—Sueton. in Cæsar. c. 56.[198.]Bankes, Civil Hist. of Rome, Vol. II.[199.]Neque Druides habent, qui rebus divinis præsint; neque sacrificiis student. Deorum numero eos solos ducunt, quos cernunt, et quorum opibus aperte juvantur—Solem, et Vulcanum, et Lunam: reliquos ne famâ quidem acceperunt. Lib. VI. c. 21.[200.]Deorum maximè Mercurium colunt, cui, certis diebus, humanis quoque hostiis, litare fas habent. Herculem ac Martem concessis animalibus placant ... Lucos ac nemora consecrant, deorumque nominibus appellant Secretum illud, quod solâ reverentia vident. De Mor. Germ. c. 9.[201.]Germ. Antiqua, Lib. I. c. 3.[202.]Brutus, c. 72.[203.]See Plutarch In Cæsare, where it is related that Cæsar wrote verses and speeches, and read them to the pirates by whom he was taken prisoner, on his return to Rome from Bithynia, where he had sought refuge from the power of Sylla.[204.]Hist. Critic. Ling. Lat. p. 537.[205.]Epist. ad Attic. Lib. XII. ep. 40.[206.]Middleton’s Life of Cicero, Vol. II, p. 347, 2d ed.[207.]Hist. Nat. Lib. XVIII. c. 26.[208.]Sueton. In Cæsar. c. 56.[209.]Cicero, Brutus c. 72.[210.]Au. Gellius, Noct. Attic. Lib. I. c. 10.[211.]Charisius, Lib. I.[212.]Au. Gellius, Lib VII, c. 9.[213.]Sueton. In Cæsar. c. 56.[214.]Ibid.[215.]See above, Vol. I. p. 204.[216.]See also Blondellus, Hist. du Calendrier Romain. Paris, 1682, 4to; Bianchinus, Dissert. de Calendario et Cyclo Cæsaris, Rom. 1703, folio; and Court de Gebelin, Monde Primit. T. IV.[217.]Mihi non illud quidem accidit, ut Alexandrino atque Africano bello interessem; quæ bella tamen ex parte nobis Cæsaris sermone sunt nota. De Bell. Gall. Lib. VIII.[218.]Imperfecta ab rebus gestis Alexandriæ confeci, usque ad exitum, non quidem civilis dissensionis, cujus finem nullum videmus, sed vitæ Cæsaris. De Bell. Gall.[219.]De Hist. Lat. Lib. I. c. 13.[220.]Sueton. In Cæsar. c. 72.[221.]Epist. Famil. Lib. V. Ep. 12.[222.]Lib. IV. Ep. 6.[223.]De Ling. Lat. Lib. IV.[224.]Hist. Nat. Lib. VIII. c. 2.[225.]Epist. Famil. Lib. VI. Ep. 7.[226.]“Duæ sunt artes,” says Cicero, “quæ possunt locare homines in amplissimo gradu dignitatis: una imperatoris, altera oratoris boni: Ab hoc enim pacis ornamenta retinentur; ab illo belli pericula repelluntur.” Orat. pro Muræna, c. 14.[227.]Ratio ipsa in hanc sententiam ducit, ut existimem sapientiam sine eloquentia parum prodesse civitatibus. Rhetoricorum, Lib. I. c. 1.[228.]Lib. II.[229.]Brutus, c. 22.[230.]De Orat. Lib. I. c. 60.[231.]Rhetoric. seu De Inventione, Lib. I. c. 1.[232.]Plutarch, In Tiber. Graccho.[233.]Plutarch, In Tiber. Graccho.[234.]Noct. Attic. Lib. X. c. 3.[235.]Plutarch, In Tib. Graccho.[236.]De Orator. Lib. III. c. 60. Plutarch and Cicero’s accounts of the eloquence of C. Gracchus, seem not quite consistent with what is delivered on the subject by Gellius.[237.]Funccius, De Virili Ætate Lat. Ling. c. 1. § 24.[238.]Lib. IV. Od. 1.[239.]Cicero, De Oratore, Lib. II. c. 2.[240.]Valer. Maxim. Lib. VII. c. 3.[241.]Valer. Maxim. Lib. III. c. 7; and Lib. VI. c. 8.[242.]De Oratore, Lib. II. c. 28, 29, 48, 49.[243.]Id. Lib. II. c. 47.[244.]Plutarch In Mario. Valerius Maximus, Lib. VIII. c. 9.[245.]Cicero, De Oratore, Lib. III. c. 3.[246.]Id. Lib. I. c. 33.[247.]Cicero, De Orat.. Lib. I. c. 26, 27.[248.]Cicero, De Orat. Lib. II. c. 1.[249.]Plutarch, In Sylla.[250.]De Oratore, Lib. III. c. 3.[251.]Plutarch, In Sylla.[252.]De Oratore, Lib. III. c. 3.[253.]Brutus, c. 89.[254.]Brutus, c. 63.[255.]Ibid.[256.]De Oratore, Lib. III. c. 61.[257.]Cicero, Brutus, c. 89.[258.]Ibid.[259.]Ibid.[260.]Plin. Hist. Nat. Lib. XVII. c. 1.[261.]Ibid. Lib. XXXIII. c. 11.[262.]Nardini, Roma Antica, Lib. VI. c. 15.[263.]Sueton. in Augusto, c. 72.[264.]Varro, De Re Rustica, Lib. III. c. 6.[265.]Macrobius, Saturnalia, Lib. III. c. 13.[266.]Plin. Hist. Nat. Lib. XIV. c. 14.[267.]Ibid. Lib. XXV. c. 11.[268.]Varro, De Re Rustica, Lib. III. c. 3.[269.]Ibid. Lib. III. c. 17.[270.]Ibid.[271.]Plin. Hist. Nat. Lib. IX. c. 55.[272.]Cicer. Academica, Lib. II. c. 25, 31, 33.[273.]Bonstetten, Voyage dans le Latium, p. 152–160. Nibby, Viaggio Antiquario ne contorni di Roma, T. II.[274.]Varro, De Re Rustica, Lib. III. c. 13.[275.]Cicero, Brutus, c. 95.[276.]Varro, De Re Rustica. Cicero, Epist. ad Attic. Lib. V. Ep. 2.[277.]Seren. Samonicus, De Medicina, c. 15.[278.]Cicero, Epist. Familiares, Lib. VIII. Ep. 2.[279.]Dio Cassius, Lib. XXXIX.[280.]Quint. Inst. Orat. Lib. XI. c. 3.[281.]Epist. ad Atticum, Lib. III. Ep. 9, &c.[282.]As a proof of his astonishing memory, it is recorded by Seneca, that, for a trial of his powers of recollection, he remained a whole day at a public auction, and when it was concluded, he repeated in order what had been sold, to whom, and at what price. His recital was compared with the clerk’s account, and his memory was found to have served him faithfully in every particular. Senec. Præf. Lib. I. Controv.[283.]Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic. Lib. I. c. 5.[284.]Valerius Maximus, Lib. VIII. c. 10.[285.]Ibid.[286.]Macrobius, Saturnalia, Lib. III. c. 13.[287.]Ibid.[288.]Meiners, Decadence des Mœurs chez les Romains.[289.]Hortensius was first married to a daughter of Q. Catulus, the orator, who is one of the speakers in the Dialogue De Oratore. (Cicero, De Oratore, Lib. III. c. 61.) He afterwards asked, and obtained from Cato, his wife Marcia; who, having succeeded to a great part of the wealth of Hortensius on his death, was then taken back by her former husband. (Plutarch, In Catone.) By his first wife, Hortensius had a son and daughter. In his son Quintus, he was not more fortunate than his rival, Cicero, in his son Marcus. Cicero, while Proconsul of Cilicia, mentions, in one of his letters, the ruffian and scandalous appearance made by the younger Hortensius at Laodicea, during the shows of gladiators.—“I invited him once to supper,” says he, “on his father’s account; and, on the same account, only once.” (Epist. Ad Attic. Lib. VI. Ep. 3.) Such, indeed, was his unworthy conduct, that his father at this time entertained thoughts of disinheriting him, and making his nephew, Messala, his heir; but in this intention he did not persevere. (Valer. Maxim. Lib. V. c. 9.) After his father’s death, he joined the party of Cæsar, (Cicero, Epist. Ad Att. Lib. X. Ep. 16, 17, 18,) by whom he was appointed Proconsul of Macedonia; in which situation he espoused the side of the conspirators, subsequently to the assassination of Cæsar. (Cicero, Philip. X. c. 5 and 6.) By order of Brutus, he slew Caius Antonius, brother to the Triumvir, who had fallen into his hands; and, being afterwards taken prisoner at the battle of Philippi, he was slain by Marc Antony, by way of reprisal, on the tomb of his brother. (Plutarch, In M. Bruto.)
Hortensia, the daughter, inherited something of the spirit and eloquence of her father. A severe tribute having been imposed on the Roman matrons by the Triumvirs, Antony, Octavius, and Lepidus, she boldly pleaded their cause before these noted extortioners, and obtained some alleviation of the impost. (Valer. Maxim. Lib. VIII. c. 3.)
Quintus, the son of the orator, left two children, Q. Hortensius Corbio, and M. Hortensius Hortalus. The former of these was a monster of debauchery; and is mentioned by his contemporary, Valerius Maximus, among the most striking examples of those descendants who have degenerated from the honour of their ancestors. (Lib. III. c. 5.) This wretch, not being likely to become a father, and the wealth of the family having been partly settled on the wife of Cato, partly dissipated by extravagance, and partly confiscated in the civil wars, Augustus Cæsar, who was a great promoter of matrimony, gave Hortensius Hortalus a pecuniary allowance to enable him to marry, in order that so illustrious a family might not become extinct. He and his children, however, fell into want during the reign of his benefactor’s successor. Tacitus has painted, with his usual power of striking delineation, that humiliating scene, in which he appeared, with his four children, to beg relief from the Senate; and the historian has also recorded the hard answer which he received from the unrelenting Tiberius. Perceiving, however, that his severity was disliked by the Senate, the Emperor said, that, if they desired it, he would give a certain sum to each of Hortalus’s male children. They returned thanks; but Hortalus, either from terror or dignity of mind, said not a word; and, from this time, Tiberius showing him no favour, his family sunk into the most abject poverty: (Tacit. Annal. Lib. II. c. 37 and 38.) And such were the descendants of the orator with the park, the plantations, the ponds, and the pictures![290.]Catull. Carm. 53.[291.]Pliny, Epist. Lib. I. ep. 2.[292.]Brutus, c. 80.[293.]Ibid.[294.]According to some authorities it was a short while before, and according to others a short while after, the expulsion of Tarquin.[295.]“Exactis deinde regibus leges hæ exoleverunt; iterumque cœpit populus Romanus incerto magis jure et consuetudine ali, quam per latam legem.”—Pompon. Lætus, De Leg. II. § 3.[296.]Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, c. 44.[297.]De Legibus, Lib. II. c. 23. De Oratore, Lib. I, c. 42.[298.]“Decem tabularum leges,” says Livy, “nunc quoque, in hoc immenso aliarum super aliis acervatarum legum cumulo, fons omnis publici privatique est juris.”[299.]Cicero, De Oratore, Lib. II. c. 33.[300.]Saint Prix, Hist. du Droit Romain, p. 23. Ed. Paris, 1821.[301.]Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, c. 44.[302.]Cicero, De Orat. Lib. I. c. 57.[303.]Ibid. Lib. I. c. 58.[304.]It must be admitted, however, that Cicero, in other passages of his works, has given the study of civil law high encomiums, particularly in the following beautiful passage delivered in the person of Crassus: “Senectuti vero celebrandæ et ornandæ quid honestius potest esse perfugium, quàm juris interpretatio? Equidem mihi hoc subsidium jam inde ab adolescentiâ comparavi, non solum ad causarum usum forensem, sed etiam ad decus atque ornamentum senectutis; ut cùm me vires (quod fere jam tempus adventat) deficere cœpissent, ab solitudine domum meam vindicarem.” (De Oratore, Lib. I. c. 45.) Schultingius, the celebrated civilian, in his dissertation De Jurisprudentia Ciceronis, tries to prove, from various passages in his orations and rhetorical writings, that Cicero was well versed in the most profound and nice questions of Roman jurisprudence, and that he was well skilled in international law, as Grotius has borrowed from him many of his principles and illustrations, in his treatise De Jure Belli et Pacis.[305.]De Oratore, Lib. I.[306.]Ibid. Lib. II. c. 49.[307.]“An non pudeat, certam creditam pecuniam periodis postulare, aut circa stillicidia affici?”—Quint. Inst. Orat. Lib. VIII. c. 3.[308.]Polletus, Historia Fori Romani, ap. Supplement. ad Graevii et Gronov. antiquitat. T. I. p. 351.[309.]In Verrem, Act. I. c. 14.[310.]Nardini, Roma Antica, Lib. V. c. 2, &c.[311.]Virg. Æneid. Lib. VII.[312.]“Parvis de rebus,” says he, “sed fortasse necessariis consulimur, Patres conscripti. De Appiâ viâ et de monetâ Consul—De Lupercis tribunus plebis refert. Quarum rerum etsi facilis explicatio videtur, tamen animus aberrat a sententiâ, suspensus curis majoribus.”—C. I.[313.]Orator, c. 30.[314.]Orator, c. 30. spe et expectatione laudati.[315.]De Officiis, Lib. II. c. 14.[316.]Brutus, c. 91.[317.]Cæcilius was a Jew, who had been domiciled in Sicily; whence Cicero, playing on the name of Verres, asks, “Quid Judæo cum Verre?” (a boar.)[318.]He ultimately, however, met with a well-merited and appropriate fate. Having refused to give up his Corinthian vases to Marc Antony, he was proscribed for their sake, and put to death by the rapacious Triumvir.[319.]Livy, Lib. XXV. c. 40.[320.]Gillies, History of Greece, Part II. T. IV. c. 27.[321.]Lectures on Rhetoric, &c. Vol. II. Lect. XXVIII.[322.]Lib. II. Ep. 1.[323.]Wolf, in the preface to his edition of the Oration for Marcellus, mentions having seen a scholastic declamation, entitled, Oratio Catilinæ, in M. Ciceronem. It concludes thus,—“Me consularem patricium, civem et amicum reipublicæ a faucibus inimici consulis eripite; supplicem atque insontem pristinæ claritudini, omnium civium gratiæ, et benevolentiæ vestræ restitute. Amen.”[324.]Funccius, De Viril. Ætat. Ling. Lat. Pars II. c. 2.[325.]Aonius Palearius wrote a declamation in answer to this speech, entitled, Contra Murænam.[326.]Origin and Progress of Language, Book IV.[327.]Correspondence, p. 85.[328.]Jenisch, Parallel der beiden grösten Redner des Althertum, p. 124, ed. Berlin, 1821.[329.]Plutarch, In Cicero.[330.]Philip. VI. c. 1.[331.]Juvenal, Satir. X. v. 118.[332.]Quintil. Inst. Orat. Lib. V.[333.]Orator, c. 67, 70.[334.]Hist. Nat. Lib. VII. c. 30.[335.]Plutarch, In Cicer.[336.]Macrobius, Saturnal. Lib. III. c. 14.[337.]Noct. Attic. Lib. I. c. 7.[338.]Dio Cassius, XXXIX. c. 9.[339.]Epist. ad Attic. Lib. IV. Ep. 1.[340.]Epist. ad Attic. Lib. IV. Ep. 2.[341.]See Nichol’s Literary Anecdotes. Harles, also, seems to suppose that Bishop Ross was in earnest:—“Orationem pro Sulla spuriam esse audacter pronunciavit vir quidam doctus in—A Dissertation, in which the defence of P. Sulla, &c. is proved to be spurious.”—Harles, Introduct. in Notitiam Literat. Rom. Tom. II. p. 153.[342.]Bib. Lat. Lib. I. c. 8.[343.]Lib. IV. Ep. 2.[344.]“Cum Appendice De Oratione, quæ vulgo fertur, M. T. Ciceronis pro Q. Ligario,” in which the author attempts to abjudicate from Cicero the beautiful oration for Ligarius, which shook even the soul of Cæsar, while he has translated into his own language the two wretched orations, Post Reditum, and Ad Quirites, insisting on the legitimacy of both, and enlarging on their truly classical beauties! In his Preface, he has pleasantly enough parodied the arguments of Wolf against the oration for Marcellus, ironically showing that they came not from that great scholar, but from a pseudo Wolf, who had assumed his name.[345.]Paral. der Beyden Grösten Redner des Altherthums.[346.]Brutus, c. 12, &c.[347.]Epist. Famil. Lib. I. Ep. 9.[348.]Epist. ad Attic. Lib. XII. Ep. 5, &c.[349.]Epist. Famil. Lib. VI. Ep. 18.[350.]Ibid. Lib. VII. Ep. 19.[351.]Inst. Orat. Lib. XII. c. 10.[352.]Brutus, c. 91. Is dedit operam (si modo id consequi potuit) ut nimis redundantes nos juvenili quâdam dicendi impunitate et licentiâ reprimeret; et quasi extra ripas diffluentes coerceret.[353.]Observat. Critic. in Sophoc. et Ciceron. Lips. 1802.[354.]Fuhrmann, Handbuch der Classisch. Literat.[355.]De Nat. et Const. Rhetor. c. 13.[356.]Dissert. Utrum ars Rhetorica ad Herennium Ciceroni falsò inscribitur.[357.]De Re Poet. Lib. III. c. 31. and 34.[358.]See P. Burmanni Secund. In Præf. ad Rhetoric. ad Herennium. Also Fabricius, Bib. Lat. Lib. I. c. 8.[359.]Paradise Regained.[360.]De Orat. Lib. I. c. 10. Ab illo fonte et capite Socrate.[361.]Academ. Lib. II. c. 5.[362.]De Natur. Deor. Lib. I. c. 43.[363.]Pliny, Hist. Nat. Lib. XXXV. c. 11.[364.]Mem. de l’Instit. Royale, Tom. XXX.[365.]Cicero styles him Princeps Stoicorum, (De Divin. Lib. II. c. 47,) and eruditissimum hominem, et pæne divinum (Pro Muræna, c. 31.)[366.]Censuerunt ut M. Pomponius Prætor animadverteret uti e republicâ fideque suâ videretur Romæ ne essent. (Au. Gellius, Noct. Attic. Lib. XV. c. 11.)[367.]Ælian, Histor. Var. Lib. III. c. 17.[368.]Plutarch, In Catone.[369.]Au. Gellius, Noct. Attic. Lib. VII. c. 14.[370.]De Oratore, Lib. III. c. 18.[371.]Ibid. Lib. II. c. 38.[372.]Hæc in philosophiâ ratio contra omnia disserendi, nullamque rem aperte judicandi, profecta a Socrate, repetita ab Arcesilao, confirmata a Carneade, usque ad nostram viguit ætatem. De Nat. Deor. Lib. I. c. 5.[373.]Academ. Prior. Lib. II. c. 48.[374.]Valer. Max. Lib. VIII. c. 7.[375.]Academ. Prior. Lib. II. c. 31.[376.]Quintil. Inst. Orat. Lib. XII. c. 1. Lactant. Instit. Lib. V. c. 14.[377.]Plutarch, In Catone. Plin. Hist. Nat. Lib. VII. c. 30.[378.]Divin. Institut. Lib. V. c. 16.[379.]Plutarch, De Fortitud. Alexandri.[380.]Diog. Laert. In Clitomacho.[381.]Cicero, Academic. Prior. Lib. II. c. 32.[382.]Academic. Prior. Lib. II. c. 32.[383.]Mater, Ecole d’Alexandrie, Tom. II. p. 131.[384.]Dans la Grèce, aprés ces épreuves, commençoit enfin la vie champêtre dans les jardins du Lycée ou de l’Academie, où l’on entreprenoit un cours de philosophie, que les véritables amateurs avoient l’art singulier de ne jamais finir. Ils restoient toute leur vie attachés à quelque chef de secte comme Metrodore à Epicure, moudroient dans les écoles, et étoient ensuite enterrés à l’ombre de ces mêmes arbustes, sous lesquels ils avoient tant médité. (De Pauw, Recherches Philosophiques sur les Grecs, T. II.)[385.]Cicero, Academ. Prior. Lib. II. c. 4.[386.]Epist. Familiares.[387.]Garve, Anmerk. zu Büchern von den Pflichten. Breslau, 1819. Schoell, Hist. Abregée de la Litterat. Romaine.[388.]P. XII.[389.]Ciceron. Opera, Tom. XIII. p. 15.[390.]Epist. ad Attic. Lib. XII. Ep. 52.[391.]Epist. Lib. XIII. Ep. 21.[392.]Dialog. Hipparchus.[393.]Black’s Life of Tasso, Vol. II.[394.]Hulsemann, Uber die Principien und den Geist der Gesetze. Leipsic, 1802.[395.]Quæque de optimâ republicâ sentiremus, in sex libris ante diximus; accommodabimus hoc tempore leges ad illum, quem probamus civitatûs statum. De Legib. Lib. III. c. 2.[396.]Epist. ad Quint. Frat. Lib. II. Ep. 14. Lib. III. Ep. 5 and 6.[397.]De Legib. Lib. II. c. 17.[398.]Ibid. Lib. I. c. 20.[399.]Hominis Amicissimi, Cn. Pompeii, laudes illustrabit. Lib. I. c. 3.[400.]De Legibus, Lib. II. c. 1.[401.]Ibid. Lib. I. c. 5.[402.]Excursion from Rome to Arpino, p. 89. Ed. Geneva, 1820.[403.]Plin. Hist. Nat. Lib. XXXI. c. 2.[404.]“Cæruleus nos Liris amat.”—Martial, Lib. XIII. Ep. 83. See also Lucan, Lib. II.[405.]De Legibus, Lib. II. c. 2.[406.]Kelsall, Excursion, p. 116.[407.]De Legibus, Lib. II. c. 1.[408.]Epist. ad Attic. Lib. XII. Ep. 12.[409.]Classic Tour through Italy, by Sir R. C. Hoare, Vol. I. p. 293.[410.]Classical Tour, Vol. II. c. 9.[411.]Classical Excursion from Rome to Arpino, p. 99. Cicero always considered the citizens of Arpinum as under his particular protection and patronage; and it is pleasant to find, that its modern inhabitants still testify, in various ways, due veneration for their illustrious townsman. Their theatre is called the Teatro Tulliano, of which the drop-scene is painted with a bust of the orator; and even now, workmen are employed in building a new town-hall, with niches, destined to receive statues of Marius and Cicero.[412.]Macrob. Saturnal. Lib. VI. c. 4.[413.]Saturnal. Lib. VI. c. 4.[414.]Diogenes Laertius, Lib. VII.[415.]Diog. Laert. Lib. VII.[416.]Plin. Hist. Nat. Lib. XXXI. c. 3.[417.]Academ. Prior. Lib. II. c. 33.[418.]Epist. Famil. Lib. IX. Ep. 8.[419.]Et ut nos nunc sedemus ad Lucrinum, pisciculosque exsultantes videmus. De propriet. Serm. c. 1. 335. voc. exsultare.[420.]Epist. Dedicat. ad Prælect. in Cic. Acad.[421.]Introduct. in Academic. Ed. Lips. 1810.[422.]Nec esse, nec dici posse novum opus, ac penitus mutatum; sed tantummodo correctum, magis politum, et quoad formam et dictionem, hîc et illic, splendidius mutatum. De Lib. Cic. Academ. Comment.[423.]Classical Tour, Vol. II. c. 8.[424.]Rome in the Nineteenth Century, Vol. III. Let. 93.[425.]De Finibus, Lib. III. and IV. Kelsall, Excursion from Rome to Arpino, p. 193.[426.]Epist. ad Attic. Lib. I. Ep. 1.[427.]Middleton’s Life of Cicero, Vol. I. p. 142.[428.]Blainville’s Travels, Vol. II.[429.]Eustace, Classical Tour, Vol. II. c. 8. Grotta Ferrata was long considered both by travellers (Addison, Letters on Italy, Blainville, Travels, &c.) and antiquarians (Calmet, Hist. Univers. Cluverius, Italic. Antiq.) as the site of Cicero’s Tusculan villa. The opinion thus generally received, was first deliberately called in question by Zuzzeri, in a dissertation published in 1746, entitled Sopra un’ antica Villa scoperta sopra Frescati nell appartenenze della nuova villa dell collegio Romano. This writer places the site close to the villa and convent of Ruffinella, which is higher up the hill than Grotta Ferrata, lying between Frescati and the town of Tusculum. He was answered by Cardoni, a monk of the Basilian order of Grotta Ferrata, in his Disceptatio Apologetica de Tusculano Ciceronis, Romæ, 1757. Cardoni chiefly rests his argument on a passage of Strabo, where that geographer says, that the Tusculan hill is fertile, well watered, and surrounded with beautiful villas. Now Cardoni, referring this passage (which applies to the Tusculan hill in general) solely to the Tusculan villa, argues somewhat unfairly, that Strabo’s description answers to Grotta Ferrata, but not to Ruffinella. (p. 8, &c.) Nibby in his Viaggio Antiquario, supports the claims of Ruffinella, on the authority of a passage in Frontinus, which he interprets with no greater candour or success. (T. II. p. 41.) With exception of Eustace, however, all modern travellers, whose works I have consulted, declare in favour of Ruffinella. “At the convent of Ruffinella, says Forsyth, farther up the hill than Grotta Ferrata, his (Cicero’s) name was found stamped on some ancient tiles, which should ascertain the situation of a villa in preference to any moveable.”—Remarks on Italy, p. 281. See also Rome in the Nineteenth Century, Vol. III. Letter 92, and Kelsall’s Classical Excursion, p. 192.[430.]Alex. ab Alexandro, Dies Geniales, Lib. I. c. 23. Rossmini, Vita di Filelfo, T. III. p. 59. Ed. Milan, 1808, 3 Tom. 8vo.[431.]Tusc. Disp. Lib. II. c. 3. Lib. III. c. 3.[432.]Juvenal, I think, had probably this passage of the Tusculan Disputations in view, in the noble and pathetic lines of his tenth Satire—

“Provida Pompeio dederat Campania febres,” &c.

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