While such sentiments were circulating among the adherents of these two powerful families, to the manifest injury of the cause of liberty, Cumyn was still increasing the number of his followers; and it appeared uncertain, whether he intended to assist his countrymen, or take part with the invader. Wallace now saw, that, without involving the kingdom in all the horrors of civil war, he could not exercise his authority so as to compel this factious chief to the discharge of his duty; and as the views of Cumyn with regard to the crown, had, on many occasions, been too palpably displayed, to have escaped the observation of Wallace, his late unaccountable retreat had completely opened the eyes of the Guardian to the line of policy he was pursuing. Indeed, had both divisions of the Scottish army been destroyed, Cumyn would have found little difficulty in obtaining the crown from Edward, on the same terms as it had been awarded to Baliol: for being at the head of a powerful body of men, with great family interest, and having already made a favourable impression on the English king, by his conduct at the battle of Falkirk, it is highly probable that any lingering partiality which Edward might still entertain for Bruce—whom he had long amused with hopes of the crown—would soon disappear before the pretensions of a more useful claimant. But as Cumyn made the ambition of Wallace the pretext for his refraining to co-operate against the English, with a promptitude which showed his mind as decisive as his sword, when the interest of his country was at stake, the latter called the Estates together, and solemnly renounced the Guardianship of the kingdom, reserving to himself no other privilege than that of fighting against the enemies of Scotland, at the head of such friends as might be inclined to adhere to him. This resignation was accordingly followed by the election of a Regency, consisting of Cumyn, Soulis, and William Lamberton, Bishop of St Andrews;[29] and by this conduct on the part of Wallace, Cumyn was left without the shadow of an excuse for withholding his assistance against the common enemy; while the talents, prowess, and patriotism of the late Guardian acted as a check in restraining him from sacrificing the interest of the country to his own personal aggrandizement.
Edward reached Stirling four days after the late battle, and took up his quarters in the convent of the Dominicans. Here he remained fifteen days, waiting his recovery from the wound inflicted on him by his horse, and for the arrival of his long-expected fleet. The Castle of Stirling having been partly demolished by Wallace, in his retreat, Edward now applied himself to repair it; and therein, as a place of safety, he deposited those unwieldy engines of war he had brought with him for the purpose of battering the fortifications, and which he found would be troublesome, while pursuing his enemies over the rugged and mountainous country that lay before him.
The accession of strength which the cause of liberty acquired, by the prudent measures of our patriot, enabled the Scots more effectually to embarrass the movements of the enemy. While he, with his brave followers, continued to surprise the foe, by breaking into their camp where least expected, the other leaders were engaged in preventing supplies from reaching the English; and Edward, at last, became apprehensive of advancing too far into the sterile regions of the North. A scarcity had already begun to be severely felt in his army, and he now prudently directed his march towards the more fruitful districts in the neighbourhood of Perth. But there also his unwearied and restless enemy continued to assail those parts of the army that appeared most vulnerable; and having at last cut off a part from the main body of the English forces, by breaking down the bridge over the Tay, in three successive engagements he defeated them with great slaughter. The English army, however, was still too numerous for the Scots to risk a general engagement; and Edward, finding no probability of bringing the war to a satisfactory conclusion, after wreaking his vengeance on the most fruitful parts of the country, returned home through Ayrshire and Annandale, carrying with him all the spoil he could collect. A body of troops under the command of Henry de Lacy, made a similar inroad in Fife, destroying whatever came in their way, in revenge, no doubt, for the gallant stand the inhabitants had made under MacDuff, their late unfortunate chief. After destroying St Andrew’s,[30] he laid siege to the castle of Cupar, which surrendered about the end of July.[31]
Edward now led his army homewards, after leaving a force to protect the southern part of Scotland, the reduction of which was all his mighty efforts had been able to accomplish. To have defeated Wallace, however, a name which had filled England with dismay, was considered by his subjects an achievement deserving of the highest eulogium. The disasters of the campaign were accordingly forgotten, and bands of minstrels issued from the different towns on his route, to welcome the conqueror at Falkirk. The Londoners decreed him a triumphal procession in honour of his victory, and the different corporations vied with each other in the richness of their banners and the splendour of their emblematical representations. Stowe thus mentions the affair; and if we may judge of the appearance of the other professions by the display made by the fishmongers on this joyous occasion, the whole must have exhibited a mass of barbaric magnificence not easily to be surpassed:—“The citizens of London hearing of the great victory obtained by the King of England against the Scottis, made great and solemn rejoicings in their citie, every one according to their craft, especially the fishmongers, which with solemn procession passed through the citie, having, amongst other pageantes and shows, foure sturgeons gilted, carried on four horses, then four salmons of silver on four horses, and after five and fortie knights armed, riding on horses made like luces of the sea, and then Saint Magnus with a thousand horsemen. This they did on St Magnus’ day, in honour of the King’s great victory and safe return.”
Before closing this chapter, it may not be amiss to take a retrospect view of this most interesting campaign. At the commencement of it, Scotland, by the wisdom and energy of her intrepid Guardian, had again taken her place among the independent nations of Europe. His noble achievements had not only become a theme for the Troubadours of France, but also the subject of conversation and applause at all the courts on the Continent. To Edward, who had not only distinguished himself by his warlike exploits in Syria, but had also, in a tournament held at Calais, baffled and disgraced the most renowned of the chivalry of France, the plaudits bestowed upon a rival so far beneath him in rank, was peculiarly mortifying, and excited in him the most inveterate hostility toward the nation thus rescued from his thraldom. Wallace, though making every effort for the safety of his country, found no abatement of that feeling of jealous animosity which existed in the minds of a great majority of the aristocracy. It was in vain he endeavoured to ensure their confidence, by refusing all participation in the fruits of their victories,—thus shewing that self-aggrandisement formed none of the objects of his ambition. Still they yielded with reluctance that obedience which his rank as Guardian entitled him to expect; and their language in private continued to be, “We will not have this man to reign over us.”
Cumyn, whose conduct had hitherto been suspicious, had strengthened his interest at the English court, by means of a marriage which he contracted with the sister of Adomer de Vallance,[32] a cousin, and one of the principal favourites of Edward; and the Steward, brother to the knight of Bonkill, had made his peace with the invader, and taken the oath of allegiance. In consequence of which, according to the policy of the English monarch, though the tenantry of the Steward were arrayed against him, yet the banners of the family floated among those of the other vassals of the English crown, while the knight of Bonkill himself (who had but recently joined the standard of his country’s independence) had as yet given no proof of the sincerity of his attachment to the cause. Under these circumstances, it became Wallace to be particularly circumspect in his movements, having to guard against the chance of treachery on the one hand, and a powerful adversary on the other; while his country’s safety, and his own well-earned laurels, depended alike on the prudence of his conduct. We have already hinted at the great improbability of his appearing before so formidable an enemy, without having formed a regular plan of operation, and made provision for the contingencies that might occur. That he had arranged such a plan, and was prevented, by the jealousy of his colleagues, from putting it into execution, appears sufficiently obvious, even from the meagre details of which we are possessed. What this plan was, cannot now be fully ascertained; but if we may judge from the circumstances on record, we may infer that it was not his intention to risk a general engagement with the enemy at Falkirk, but merely to retire as they advanced, and to lead them as far as possible into the barren districts of the North, where their numerous cavalry would be rendered in a great measure unavailing. But the conduct of Cumyn, and the profitless display of valour on the part of Stewart, brought him unavoidably into contact with the enemy; respect for his own reputation prevented him from retiring, while part of his countrymen were so seriously engaged; and by remaining, he not only covered the retreat of the remains of Stewart’s division, but also, by his commanding attitude, prevented the enemy from pursuing the fugitives with that destructive celerity which their numerous cavalry would have enabled them to do, had he acted otherwise. We have been induced to make these remarks, as Wallace is too rashly blamed for “remaining a passive spectator of the destruction of Stewart.” This, according to the generality of writers, is the only stain upon his character. However, from a careful review of all the circumstances of the case, we can find no foundation whatever for the charge; on the contrary, taking into consideration the peculiarly embarrassing situation in which he was placed, we conceive that, during the whole of his brilliant career, the wisdom, talents, and patriotism of Wallace, never shone forth with more resplendent lustre than at the battle of Falkirk.
CHAPTER V.
STATE OF SCOTLAND AFTER THE RETURN OF EDWARD.—VARIOUS EXPLOITS OF WALLACE.—BALIOL DELIVERED OVER TO THE POPE.—THE SCOTS BESIEGE STIRLING CASTLE.—EDWARD RAISES AN ARMY FOR ITS RELIEF.—THE ENGLISH BARONS REFUSE TO ACCOMPANY HIM.—SURRENDER OF STIRLING CASTLE.—CONDUCT OF CUMYN.
On retiring with his army, as stated in the last chapter, Edward left behind him a considerable force to protect that part of Scotland which lay contiguous to England, and which he seemed determined, if possible, to annex to his own dominions. Although his invasion had been productive of very disastrous consequences to the Scots, they did not suffer so much on this, as they had done on former occasions. The judicious orders issued by the Guardian, for driving the cattle—which formed the principal part of their wealth—to inaccessible parts of the country, contributed not only to their safety, but also to the disappointment and distress of the enemy. On the retreat, therefore, of the grand army of Edward, the inhabitants were far from being that wretched and disspirited race, which they had appeared after the battle of Dunbar. Several of the chieftains, it is true, had repeated their oaths of fidelity to the invader, but the defection from the cause of liberty was by no means general. The principal places of strength, with the exception of Stirling, were in the hands of the Scots; and the impregnable fortress of Dumbarton[33] had been given, by Wallace, in consequence of his services in the cause of his country, in charge to Sir John Stewart of Rusky, better known by the name of Menteith. This man had been present with Wallace at the burning of the barns of Ayr, as well as in many other situations of danger and difficulty. According to Henry, when the Guardian bestowed this charge upon him, he stipulated for the erection of a small house for himself within the fortress, in the building of which considerable progress had been made, when the English army entered Scotland. Some writers allege, that the reason which induced Wallace to make choice of such a situation, was the great friendship which existed between him and Menteith, to whose society, they say, he was much attached, and which, by this means, he would have a better opportunity of enjoying. With this opinion, however, we cannot agree. That Menteith was high in the confidence of Wallace, is sufficiently evident from his appointing him to so important a trust—for, besides the governorship of the castle, his situation naturally gave him the command of a considerable part of the district of Lennox—yet we conceive that Wallace had other motives for selecting such a place of retirement, than the mere pleasure of enjoying the society of a friend, however valued that friend might have been. The hostility which he had excited in the breast of Edward by his conduct in Scotland, as well as by his invasion of England, gave him every reason to dread the revenge of that haughty and crafty potentate; while the vacillating character of a great proportion of the nobility—joined to that inextinguishable jealousy which existed against him in the minds of some of the most powerful families—made it both desirable and prudent to look out for a place where, in the decline of life, he might be secure from the attempts of his country’s enemies, as well as the machinations of his own. The more immediate cause, however, may have been the safety of his surviving relations. The circumstance of so many of them having already suffered on his account, would, no doubt, make him consider it as a duty incumbent on him to provide for those that remained. His uncle, the parson of Dunipace, he had but recently relieved from a dungeon, into which the English had thrown him; and his mother had frequently been obliged to fly from the fortalice of Elderslie, in order to preserve herself from falling into the hands of the enemy. These, we presume, to have been the motives which induced him to stipulate for this little sanctuary, and not an overweening affection for the society of Menteith. His selection of him, however, for this purpose, shows the entire confidence he had in his fidelity.