The true theory of the rise of water in a lifting-pump is commonly dated from Torricelli's famous experiment with a column of mercury, in 1644, when he found that the greatest height at which it would stand is fourteen times less than the height at which water will stand, which is exactly the proportion of weight between water and mercury. The following curious letter from Baliani, in 1630, shows that the original merit of suggesting the real cause belongs to him, and renders it still more unaccountable that Galileo, to whom it was addressed, should not at once have adopted the same view of the subject:—"I have believed that a vacuum may exist naturally ever since I knew that the air has sensible weight, and that you taught me in one of your letters how to find its weight exactly, though I have not yet succeeded with that experiment. From that moment I took up the notion that it is not repugnant to the nature of things that there should be a vacuum, but merely that it is difficult to produce. To explain myself more clearly: if we allow that the air has weight, there is no difference between air and water except in degree. At the bottom of the sea the weight of the water above me compresses everything round my body, and it strikes me that the same thing must happen in the air, we being placed at the bottom of its immensity; we do not feel its weight, nor the compression round us, because our bodies are made capable of supporting it. But if we were in a vacuum, then the weight of the air above our heads would be felt. It would be felt very great, but not infinite, and therefore determinable, and it might be overcome by a force proportioned to it. In fact I estimate it to be such that, to make a vacuum, I believe we require a force greater than that of a column of water thirty feet high."[146]
This subject is introduced by some observations on the force of cohesion, Galileo seeming to be of opinion that, although it cannot be adequately accounted for by "the great and principal resistance to a vacuum, yet that perhaps a sufficient cause may be found by considering every body as composed of very minute particles, between every two of which is exerted a similar resistance." This remark serves to lead to a discussion on indivisibles and infinite quantities, of which we shall merely extract what Galileo gives as a curious paradox suggested in the course of it. He supposes a basin to be formed by scooping a hemisphere out of a cylinder, and a cone to be taken of the same depth and base as the hemisphere. It is easy to show, if the cone and scooped cylinder be both supposed to be cut by the same plane, parallel to the one on which both stand, that the area of the ring CDEF thus discovered in the cylinder is equal to the area of the corresponding circular section AB of the cone, wherever the cutting plane is supposed to be.[147] He then proceeds with these remarkable words:—"If we raise the plane higher and higher, one of these areas terminates in the circumference of a circle, and the other in a point, for such are the upper rim of the basin and the top of the cone. Now since in the diminution of the two areas they to the very last maintain their equality to one another, it is in my thoughts proper to say that the highest and ultimate terms[148] of such diminutions are equal, and not one infinitely bigger than the other. It seems therefore that the circumference of a large circle may be said to be equal to one single point. And why may not these be called equal if they be the last remainders and vestiges left by equal magnitudes?"[149]
We think no one can refuse to admit the probability, that Newton may have found in such passages as these the first germ of the idea of his prime and ultimate ratios, which afterwards became in his hands an instrument of such power. As to the paradoxical result, Descartes undoubtedly has given the true answer to it in saying that it only proves that the line is not a greater area than the point is. Whilst on this subject, it may not be uninteresting to remark that something similar to the doctrine of fluxions seems to have been lying dormant in the minds of the mathematicians of Galileo's era, for Inchoffer illustrates his argument in the treatise we have already mentioned, that the Copernicans may deduce some true results from what he terms their absurd hypothesis, by observing, that mathematicians may deduce the truth that a line is length without breadth, from the false and physically impossible supposition that a point flows, and that a line is the fluxion of a point.[150]
A suggestion that perhaps fire dissolves bodies by insinuating itself between their minute particles, brings on the subject of the violent effects of heat and light; on which Sagredo inquires, whether we are to take for granted that the effect of light does or does not require time. Simplicio is ready with an answer, that the discharge of artillery proves the transmission of light to be instantaneous, to which Sagredo cautiously replies, that nothing can be gathered from that experiment except that light travels more swiftly than sound; nor can we draw any decisive conclusion from the rising of the sun. "Who can assure us that he is not in the horizon before his rays reach our sight?" Salviati then mentions an experiment by which he endeavoured to examine this question. Two observers are each to be furnished with a lantern: as soon as the first shades his light, the second is to discover his, and this is to be repeated at a short distance till the observers are perfect in the practice. The same thing is to be tried at the distance of several miles, and if the first observer perceive any delay between shading his own light and the appearance of his companion's, it is to be attributed to the time taken by the light in traversing twice the distance between them. He allows that he could discover no perceptible interval at the distance of a mile, at which he had tried the experiment, but recommends that with the help of a telescope it should be tried at much greater distances. Sir Kenelm Digby remarks on this passage: "It may be objected (if there be some observable tardity in the motion of light) that the sunne would never be truly in that place in which unto our eyes he appeareth to be; because that it being seene by means of the light which issueth from it, if that light required time to move in, the sunne (whose motion is so swifte) would be removed from the place where the light left it, before it could be with us to give tidings of him. To this I answer, allowing peradventure that it may be so, who knoweth the contrary? Or what inconvenience would follow if it be admitted?"[151]
The principal thing remaining to be noticed is the application of the theory of the pendulum to musical concords and dissonances, which are explained, in the same manner as by Kepler in his "Harmonices Mundi," to result from the concurrence or opposition of vibrations in the air striking upon the drum of the ear. It is suggested that these vibrations may be made manifest by rubbing the finger round a glass set in a large vessel of water; "and if by pressure the note is suddenly made to rise to the octave above, every one of the undulations which will be seen regularly spreading round the glass, will suddenly split into two, proving that the vibrations that occasion the octave are double those belonging to the simple note." Galileo then describes a method he discovered by accident of measuring the length of these waves more accurately than can be done in the agitated water. He was scraping a brass plate with an iron chisel, to take out some spots, and moving the tool rapidly upon the plate, he occasionally heard a hissing and whistling sound, very shrill and audible, and whenever this occurred, and then only, he observed the light dust on the plate to arrange itself in a long row of small parallel streaks equidistant from each other. In repeated experiments he produced different tones by scraping with greater or less velocity, and remarked that the streaks produced by the acute sounds stood closer together than those from the low notes. Among the sounds produced were two, which by comparison with a viol he ascertained to differ by an exact fifth; and measuring the spaces occupied by the streaks in both experiments, he found thirty of the one equal to forty-five of the other, which is exactly the known proportion of the lengths of strings of the same material which sound a fifth to each other.[152]
Salviati also remarks, that if the material be not the same, as for instance if it be required to sound an octave to a note on catgut, on a wire of the same length, the weight of the wire must be made four times as great, and so for other intervals. "The immediate cause of the forms of musical intervals is neither the length, the tension, nor the thickness, but the proportion of the numbers of the undulations of the air which strike upon the drum of the ear, and make it vibrate in the same intervals. Hence we may gather a plausible reason of the different sensations occasioned to us by different couples of sounds, of which we hear some with great pleasure, some with less, and call them accordingly concords, more or less perfect, whilst some excite in us great dissatisfaction, and are called discords. The disagreeable sensation belonging to the latter probably arises from the disorderly manner in which the vibrations strike the drum of the ear; so that for instance a most cruel discord would be produced by sounding together two strings, of which the lengths are to each other as the side and diagonal of a square, which is the discord of the false fifth. On the contrary, agreeable consonances will result from those strings of which the numbers of vibrations made in the same time are commensurable, "to the end that the cartilage of the drum may not undergo the incessant torture of a double inflexion from the disagreeing percussions." Something similar may be exhibited to the eye by hanging up pendulums of different lengths: "if these be proportioned so that the times of their vibrations correspond with those of the musical concords, the eye will observe with pleasure their crossings and interweavings still recurring at appreciable intervals; but if the times of vibration be incommensurate, the eye will be wearied and worn out with following them."
The second dialogue is occupied entirely with an investigation of the strength of beams, a subject which does not appear to have been examined by any one before Galileo beyond Aristotle's remark, that long beams are weaker, because they are at once the weight, the lever, and the fulcrum; and it is in the development of this observation that the whole theory consists. The principle assumed by Galileo as the basis of his inquiries is, that the force of cohesion with which a beam resists a cross fracture in any section may all be considered as acting at the centre of gravity of the section, and that it breaks always at the lowest point: from this he deduced that the effect of the weight of a prismatic beam in overcoming the resistance of one end by which it is fastened to a wall, varies directly as the square of the length, and inversely as the side of the base. From this it immediately follows, that if for instance the bone of a large animal be three times as long as the corresponding one in a smaller beast, it must be nine times as thick to have the same strength, provided we suppose in both cases that the materials are of the same consistence. An elegant result which Galileo also deduced from this theory, is that the form of such a beam, to be equally strong in every part, should be that of a parabolical prism, the vertex of the parabola being the farthest removed from the wall. As an easy mode of describing the parabolic curve for this purpose, he recommends tracing the line in which a heavy flexible string hangs. This curve is not an accurate parabola: it is now called a catenary; but it is plain from the description of it in the fourth dialogue, that Galileo was perfectly aware that this construction is only approximately true. In the same place he makes the remark, which to many is so paradoxical, that no force, however great, exerted in a horizontal direction, can stretch a heavy thread, however slender, into an accurately straight line.
The fifth and sixth dialogues were left unfinished, and annexed to the former ones by Viviani after Galileo's death: the fragment of the fifth, which is on the subject of Euclid's Definition of Ratio, was at first intended to have formed a part of the third, and followed the first proposition on equable motion: the sixth was intended to have embodied Galileo's researches on the nature and laws of Percussion, on which he was employed at the time of his death. Considering these solely as fragments, we shall not here make any extracts from them.