(297.) It was not, however, till long after Kepler’s time that the real importance of these laws could be felt. Regarded in themselves, they offered, it is true, a fine example of regular and harmonious disposition in the greatest of all the works of creation, and a striking contrast to the cumbersome mechanism of the cycles and epicycles which preceded them; but there their utility seemed to terminate, and, indeed, Kepler was reproached, and not without a semblance of reason, with having rendered the actual calculation of the places of the planets more difficult than before, the resources of geometry being then inadequate to resolve the problems to which the strict application of his laws gave rise.
(298.) The first result of the invention of the telescope and its application to astronomical purposes, by Galileo, was the discovery of Jupiter’s disc and satellites,—of a system offering a beautiful miniature of that greater one of which it forms a portion, and presenting to the eye of sense, at a single glance, that disposition of parts which in the planetary system itself is discerned only by the eye of reason and imagination (see [195].). Kepler had the satisfaction of seeing it ascertained, that the law which he had discovered to connect the times of revolution of the planets with their distances from the sun, holds good also when applied to the periods of circulation of these little attendants round the centre of their principal; thus demonstrating it to be something more than a mere empirical rule, and to depend on the intimate nature of planetary motion itself.
(299.) It had been objected to the doctrine of Copernicus, that, were it true, Venus should appear sometimes horned like the moon. To this he answered by admitting the conclusion, and averring that, should we ever be able to see its actual shape, it would appear so. It is easy to imagine with what force the application would strike every mind when the telescope confirmed this prediction, and showed the planet just as both the philosopher and his objectors had agreed it ought to appear. The history of science affords perhaps only one instance analogous to this. When Dr. Hutton expounded his theory of the consolidation of rocks by the application of heat, at a great depth below the bed of the ocean, and especially of that of marble by actual fusion; it was objected that, whatever might be the case with others, with calcareous or marble rocks, at least, it was impossible to grant such a cause of consolidation, since heat decomposes their substance and converts it into quicklime, by driving off the carbonic acid, and leaving a substance perfectly infusible, and incapable even of agglutination by heat. To this he replied, that the pressure under which the heat was applied would prevent the escape of the carbonic acid; and that being retained, it might be expected to give that fusibility to the compound which the simple quicklime wanted. The next generation saw this anticipation converted into an observed fact, and verified by the direct experiments of Sir James Hall, who actually succeeded in melting marble, by retaining its carbonic acid under violent pressure.
(300.) Kepler, among a number of vague and even wild speculations on the causes of the motions whose laws he had developed so beautifully and with so much patient labour, had obtained a glimpse of the general law of the inertia of matter, as applicable to the great masses of the heavenly bodies as well as to those with which we are conversant on the earth. After Kepler, Galileo, while he gave the finishing blow to the Aristotelian dogmas which erected a barrier between the laws of celestial and terrestrial motion, by his powerful argument and caustic ridicule, contributed, by his investigations of the laws of falling bodies and the motions of projectiles, to lay the foundation of a true system of dynamics, by which motions could be determined from a knowledge of the forces producing them, and forces from the motions they produce. Hooke went yet farther, and obtained a view so distinct of the mode in which the planets might be retained in their orbits by the sun’s attraction, that, had his mathematical attainments been equal to his philosophical acumen, and his scientific pursuits been less various and desultory, it can hardly be doubted that he would have arrived at a knowledge of the law of gravitation.
(301.) But every thing which had been done towards this great end, before Newton, could only be regarded as smoothing some first obstacles, and preparing a state of knowledge, in which powers like his could be effectually exerted. His wonderful combination of mathematical skill with physical research enabled him to invent, at pleasure, new and unheard-of methods of investigating the effects of those causes which his clear and penetrating mind detected in operation. Whatever department of science he touched, he may be said to have formed afresh. Ascending by a series of close-compacted inductive arguments to the highest axioms of dynamical science, he succeeded in applying them to the complete explanation of all the great astronomical phenomena, and many of the minuter and more enigmatical ones. In doing this, he had every thing to create: the mathematics of his age proved totally inadequate to grapple with the numerous difficulties which were to be overcome; but this, so far from discouraging him, served only to afford new opportunities for the exertion of his genius, which, in the invention of the method of fluxions, or, as it is now more generally called, the differential calculus, has supplied a means of discovery, bearing the same proportion to the methods previously in use, that the steam-engine does to the mechanical powers employed before its invention. Of the optical discoveries of Newton we have already spoken; and if the magnitude of the objects of his astronomical discoveries excite our admiration of the mental powers which could so familiarly grasp them, the minuteness of the researches into which he there set the first example of entering, is no less calculated to produce a corresponding impression. Whichever way we turn our view, we find ourselves compelled to bow before his genius, and to assign to the name of Newton a place in our veneration which belongs to no other in the annals of science. His era marks the accomplished maturity of the human reason as applied to such objects. Every thing which went before might be more properly compared to the first imperfect attempts of childhood, or the essays of inexpert, though promising, adolescence. Whatever has been since performed, however great in itself, and worthy of so splendid and auspicious a beginning, has never, in point of intellectual effort, surpassed that astonishing one which produced the Principia.
(302.) In this great work, Newton shows all the celestial motions known in his time to be consequences of the simple law, that every particle of matter attracts every other particle in the universe with a force proportional to the product of their masses directly, and the square of their mutual distance inversely, and is itself attracted with an equal force. Setting out from this, he explains how an attraction arises between the great spherical masses of which our system consists, regulated by a law precisely similar in its expression; how the elliptic motions of planets about the sun, and of satellites about their primaries, according to the exact rules inductively arrived at by Kepler, result as necessary consequences from the same general law of force; and how the orbits of comets themselves are only particular cases of planetary movements. Thence proceeding to applications of greater difficulty, he explains how the perplexing inequalities of the moon’s motion result from the sun’s disturbing action; how tides arise from the unequal attraction of the sun as well as of the moon on the earth, and the ocean which surrounds it; and, lastly, how the precession of the equinoxes is a necessary consequence of the very same law.
(303.) The immediate successors of Newton found full occupation in verifying his discoveries, and in extending and improving the mathematical methods which it had now become manifest were to prove the keys to an inexhaustible treasure of knowledge. The simultaneous but independent discovery of a method of mathematical investigation in every respect similar to that of Newton, by Leibnitz, while it created a degree of national jealousy which can now only be regretted, had the effect of stimulating the continental geometers to its cultivation, and impressing on it a character more entirely independent of the ancient geometry, to which Newton was peculiarly attached. It was fortunate for science that it did so; for it was speedily found that (with one fine exception on the part of our countryman Maclaurin, followed up, after a long interval, by the late Professor Robison of Edinburgh, with equal elegance,) the geometry of Newton was like the bow of Ulysses, which none but its master could bend; and that, to render his methods available beyond the points to which he himself carried them, it was necessary to strip them of every vestige of that antique dress in which he had delighted to clothe them. This, however, the countrymen of Newton were very unwilling to do; and they paid the penalty in finding themselves condemned to the situation of lookers on, while their continental neighbours both in Germany and France were pushing forward in the career of mathematico-physical discovery with emulous rapidity.
(304.) The legacy of research which Newton may be said to have left to his successors was truly immense. To pursue, through all its intricacies, the consequences of the law of gravitation; to account for all the inequalities of the planetary movements, and the infinitely more complicated, and to us more important ones, of the moon; and to give, what Newton himself certainly never entertained a conception of, a demonstration of the stability and permanence of the system, under all the accumulating influence of its internal perturbations; this labour, and this triumph, were reserved for the succeeding age, and have been shared in succession by Clairaut, D’Alembert, Euler, Lagrange and Laplace. Yet so extensive is the subject, and so difficult and intricate the purely mathematical enquiries to which it leads, that another century may yet be required to go through with the task. The recent discoveries of astronomers have supplied matter for investigation, to the geometers of this and the next generation, of a difficulty far surpassing any thing that had before occurred. Five primary planets have been added to our system; four of them since the commencement of the present century, and these, singularly deviating from the general analogy of the others, and offering cases of difficulty in theory, which no one had before contemplated. Yet even the intricate questions to which these bodies have given rise seem likely to be surpassed by those which have come into view, with the discovery of several comets revolving in elliptic orbits, like the planets, round the sun, in very moderate periods. But the resources of modern geometry seem, so far from being exhausted, to increase with the difficulties they have to encounter, and already, among the successors of Lagrange and Laplace, the present generation has to enumerate a powerful array of names, which promise to render it not less celebrated in the annals of physico-mathematical research than that which has just passed away.
(305.) Meanwhile the positions, figures, and dimensions of all the planetary orbits, are now well known, and their variations from century to century in great measure determined; and it has been generally demonstrated, that all the changes which the mutual actions of the planets on each other can produce in the course of indefinite ages, are periodical, that is to say, increasing to a certain extent (and that never a very great one), and then again decreasing; so that the system can never be destroyed or subverted by the mutual action of its parts, but keeps constantly oscillating, as it were, round a certain mean state, from which it can never deviate to any ruinous extent. In particular the researches of Laplace, Lagrange, and Poisson, have shown the ultimate invariability of the mean distance of each planet from the sun, and consequently of its periodic time. Relying on these grand discoveries, we are enabled to look forward, from the point of time which we now occupy, many thousands of years into futurity, and predict the state of our system without fear of material error, but such as may arise from causes whose existence at present we have no reason to suppose, or from interference which we have no right to anticipate.
(306.) A correct enumeration and description of the fixed stars in catalogues, and an exact knowledge of their position, supply the only effectual means we can have of ascertaining what changes they are liable to, and what motions, too slow to deprive them of their usual epithet, fixed, yet sufficient to produce a sensible change in the lapse of ages, may exist among them. Previous to the invention of the compass, they served as guides to the navigator by night; but for this purpose, a very moderate knowledge of a few of the principal ones sufficed. Hipparchus was the first astronomer, who, excited by the appearance of a new star, conceived the idea of forming a catalogue of the stars, with a view to its use as an astronomical record, “by which,” says Pliny, “posterity will be able to discover, not only whether they are born and die, but also whether they change their places, and whether they increase or decrease.” His catalogue, containing more than 1000 stars, was constructed about 128 years before Christ. It was in the course of the laborious discussion of his own and former observations of them, undertaken with a view to the formation of this catalogue, that he first recognised the fact of that slow, general advance of all the stars eastward, when compared with the place of the equinox, which is known under the name of the precession of the equinoxes, and which Newton succeeded in referring to a motion in the earth’s axis, produced by the attraction of the sun and moon.