CONTENTS

[CHAPTER I
THE BEGINNINGS]
PAGE
Relations between the American colonies and the British government in the first half of the eighteenth century[1]
The Lords of Trade [2]
The governors’ salaries [3]
Sir Robert Walpole [4]
Views of the Lords of Trade as to the need for a union of the colonies[5]
Weakness of the sentiment of union [6]
The Albany Congress [6]
Franklin’s plan for a federal union (1754) [7, 8]
Rejection of Franklin’s plan [9]
Shirley recommends a stamp act [10]
The writs of assistance [11]
The chief justice of New York [12]
Otis’s “Vindication” [13]
Expenses of the French War [14]
Grenville’s resolves [15]
Reply of the colonies [16]
Passage of the Stamp Act [17]
Patrick Henry and the Parsons’ Cause [18]
Resolutions of Virginia concerning the Stamp Act [19, 20]
The Stamp Act Congress [20-22]
Declaration of the Massachusetts assembly [22]
Resistance to the Stamp Act in Boston [23]
And in New York [24]
Debate in the House of Commons [25, 26]
Repeal of the Stamp Act [26, 27]
The Duke of Grafton’s ministry [28]
Charles Townshend and his revenue acts [29-31]
Attack upon the New York assembly [32]
Parliament did not properly represent the British people[32, 33]
Difficulty of the problem [34]
Representation of Americans in Parliament [35]
Mr. Gladstone and the Boers [36]
Death of Townshend [37]
His political legacy to George III. [37]
Character of George III. [38, 39]
English parties between 1760 and 1784 [40, 41]
George III. as a politician [42]
His chief reason for quarrelling with the Americans[42, 43]
[CHAPTER II
THE CRISIS]
Character of Lord North [44]
John Dickinson and the “Farmer’s Letters”[45]
The Massachusetts circular letter [46, 47]
Lord Hillsborough’s instructions to Bernard[48]
The “Illustrious Ninety-Two” [48]
Impressment of citizens [49]
Affair of the sloop Liberty [49-51]
Statute of Henry VIII. concerning “treason committed abroad”[52]
Samuel Adams makes up his mind (1768) [53-56]
Arrival of troops in Boston [56, 57]
Letters of “Vindex” [58]
Debate in Parliament [59, 60]
All the Townshend acts, except the one imposing a duty upon tea, to be repealed[61]
Recall of Governor Bernard [61]
Character of Thomas Hutchinson [62]
Resolutions of Virginia concerning the Townshend acts[63]
Conduct of the troops in Boston [64]
Assault on James Otis [64]
The “Boston Massacre” [65-68]
Some of its lessons [69-72]
Lord North becomes prime minister [72]
Action of the New York merchants [73]
Assemblies convened in strange places [74]
Taxes in Maryland [74]
The “Regulators” in North Carolina [74]
Affair of the schooner Gaspee [75, 76]
The salaries of the Massachusetts judges [76]
Jonathan Mayhew’s suggestion (1766) [77]
The committees of correspondence in Massachusetts[78]
Intercolonial committees of correspondence [79]
Revival of the question of taxation [80]
The king’s ingenious scheme for tricking the Americans into buying the East India Company’s tea[81]
How Boston became the battle-ground [82]
Advice solemnly sought and given by the Massachusetts towns[82-84]
Arrival of the tea; meeting at the Old South [84, 85]
The tea-ships placed under guard [85]
Rotch’s dilatory manœuvres [86]
Great town meeting at the Old South [87, 88]
The tea thrown into the harbour [88, 89]
Moral grandeur of the scene [90, 91]
How Parliament received the news [91-93]
The Boston Port Bill [93]
The Regulating Act [93-95]
Act relating to the shooting of citizens [96]
The quartering of troops in towns [96]
The Quebec Act [96]
General Gage sent to Boston [97, 98]
[CHAPTER III
THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS]
Protest of the Whig Lords [99]
Belief that the Americans would not fight [100]
Belief that Massachusetts would not be supported by the other colonies[101]
News of the Port Bill [101, 102]
Samuel Adams at Salem [103, 104]
Massachusetts nullifies the Regulating Act [105]
John Hancock and Joseph Warren [106, 107]
The Suffolk County Resolves [108]
Provincial Congress in Massachusetts [109]
First meeting of the Continental Congress (September 5, 1774)[110, 111]
Debates in Parliament [112, 113]
William Howe appointed commander-in-chief of the forces in America[113]
Richard, Lord Howe, appointed admiral of the fleet[114]
Franklin returns to America [115]
State of feeling in the middle colonies [116]
Lord North’s mistaken hopes of securing New York[117]
Affairs in Massachusetts [101]
Dr. Warren’s oration at the Old South [119]
Attempt to corrupt Samuel Adams [120]
Orders to arrest Adams and Hancock [121]
Paul Revere’s ride [122, 123]
Pitcairn fires upon the yeomanry at Lexington [124, 125]
The troops repulsed at Concord; their dangerous situation[126, 127]
The retreating troops rescued by Lord Percy [128]
Retreat continued from Lexington to Charlestown [129]
Rising of the country; the British besieged in Boston[130]
Effects of the news in England and in America [130-133]
Mecklenburg County Resolves [133]
Legend of the Mecklenburg “Declaration of Independence”[133-135]
Benedict Arnold and Ethan Allen [135]
Capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point [136-140]
Second meeting of the Continental Congress [141]
Appointment of George Washington to command the Continental army[142-144]
The siege of Boston [145]
Gage’s proclamation [145]
The Americans occupy Bunker’s and Breed’s hills[146]
Arrival of Putnam, Stark, and Warren [147]
Gage decides to try an assault [148, 149]
First assault repulsed [149]
Second assault repulsed [150]
Prescott’s powder gives out [150]
Third assault succeeds; the British take the hill[151]
British and American losses [151, 152]
Excessive slaughter; significance of the battle[153]
Its moral effects [154]
[CHAPTER IV
INDEPENDENCE]
Washington’s arrival in Cambridge [155]
Continental officers: Daniel Morgan [156]
Benedict Arnold, John Stark, John Sullivan [157]
Nathanael Greene, Henry Knox [158]
Israel Putnam [159]
Horatio Gates and Charles Lee [160]
Lee’s personal peculiarities [161, 162]
Dr. Benjamin Church [163]
Difficult work for Washington [164]
Absence of governmental organization [165]
New government of Massachusetts (July, 1775) [166]
Congress sends a last petition to the king [167]
The king issues a proclamation, and tries to hire troops from Russia[168-170]
Catherine refuses; the king hires German troops[170]
Indignation in Germany [171]
Burning of Falmouth (Portland) [171]
Effects of all this upon Congress [172, 173]
Montgomery’s invasion of Canada and capture of Montreal[174, 175]
Arnold’s march through the wilderness of Maine[176]
Assault upon Quebec (December 31, 1775) [177]
Total failure of the attempt upon Canada [178]
The siege of Boston [179]
Washington seizes Dorchester Heights (March 4, 1776)[180, 181]
The British troops evacuate Boston (March 17) [182, 183]
Movement toward independence; a provisional flag (January 1, 1776)[184]
Effect of the hiring of “myrmidons”[185]
Thomas Paine [185]
His pamphlet entitled “Common Sense”[186, 187]
Fulminations and counter-fulminations [188]
The Scots in North Carolina [188]
Sir Henry Clinton sails for the Carolinas [189]
The fight at Moore’s Creek; North Carolina declares for independence[189]
Action of South Carolina and Georgia [190]
Affairs in Virginia; Lord Dunmore’s proclamation[190]
Skirmish at the Great Bridge, and burning of Norfolk[191]
Virginia declares for independence [192]
Action of Rhode Island and Massachusetts [192]
Resolution adopted in Congress May 15 [193]
Instructions from the Boston town meeting [194]
Richard Henry Lee’s motion in Congress [194]
Debate on Lee’s [195, 196]
Action of the other colonies; Connecticut and New Hampshire[196]
New Jersey [197]
Pennsylvania and Delaware [197-199]
Maryland [199]
The situation in New York [200]
The Tryon plot [201]
Final debate on Lee’s motion [202]
Vote on Lee’s motion [203]
Form of the Declaration of Independence [204]
Thomas Jefferson [204, 205]
The declaration was a deliberate expression of the sober thought of the American people[206, 207]
[CHAPTER V
FIRST BLOW AT THE CENTRE]
Lord Cornwallis arrives upon the scene [208]
Battle of Fort Moultrie (June 28, 1776) [209-211]
British plan for conquering the valley of the Hudson, and cutting the United Colonies in twain[212]
Lord Howe’s futile attempt to negotiate with Washington unofficially[213, 214]
The military problem at New York[214-216]
Importance of Brooklyn Heights[217]
Battle of Long Island (August 27, 1776)[218-220]
Howe prepares to besiege the Heights[220]
But Washington slips away with his army[221]
And robs the British of the most golden opportunity ever offered them[221-223]
The conference at Staten Island[223, 224]
General Howe takes the city of New York September 15[224]
But Mrs. Lindley Murray saves the garrison[225]
Attack upon Harlem Heights[225]
The new problem before Howe[225, 226]
He moves upon Throg’s Neck, but Washington changes base[227]
Baffled at White Plans, Howe tries a new plan[228]
Washington’s orders in view of the emergency[228]
Congress meddles with the situation and muddles it[229]
Howe takes Fort Washington by storm (November 16)[230]
Washington and Greene[231]
Outrageous conduct of Charles Lee[231, 232]
Greene barely escapes from Fort Lee (November 20)[233]
Lee intrigues against Washington[233, 234]
Washington retreats into Pennsylvania[234]
Reinforcements come from Schuyler[235]
Fortunately for the Americans, the British capture Charles Lee (December 13)[235-238]
The times that tried men’s souls[238, 239]
Washington prepares to strike back[239]
He crosses the Delaware, and pierces the British centre at Trenton (December 26)[240, 241]
Cornwallis comes up to retrieve the disaster[242]
And thinks he has run down the “old fox" at the Assunpink (January 2, 1777)[242]
But Washington prepares a checkmate[243]
And again severs the British line at Princeton (January 3)[244]
General retreat of the British upon New York[245]
The tables completely turned[246]
Washington’s superb generalship[247]
Effects in England[248]
And in France[249]
Franklin’s arrival in France[250]
Secret aid from France[251]
Lafayette goes to America[252]
Efforts toward remodelling the Continental army[252-255]
Services of Robert Morris[255]
Ill feeling between the states[256]
Extraordinary powers conferred upon Washington[257-258]
[CHAPTER VI
SECOND BLOW AT THE CENTRE]
Invasion of New York by Sir Guy Carleton[259]
Arnold’s preparations[260]
Battle of Valcour Island (October 11, 1776)[260-262]
Congress promotes five junior brigadiers over Arnold (February 19, 1777)[262]
Character of Philip Schuyler[263]
Horatio Gates[264]
Gates intrigues against Schuyler[265]
His unseemly behaviour before Congress[266]
Charges against Arnold[267, 268]
Arnold defeats Tryon at Ridgefield (April 27, 1777)[269]
Preparations for the summer campaign[269]
The military centre of the United States was the state of New York[270]
A second blow was to be struck at the centre; the plan of campaign[271]
The plan was unsound; it separated the British forces too widely, and gave the Americans the advantage of interior lines[272-274]
Germain’s fatal error; he overestimated the strength of the Tories[274]
Too many unknown quantities[275]
Danger from New England ignored[276]
Germain’s negligence; the dispatch that was never sent[277]
Burgoyne advances upon Ticonderoga[277, 278]
Phillips seizes Mount Defiance[279]
Evacuation of Ticonderoga[279]
Battle of Hubbardton (July 7)[280]
One swallow does not make a summer[280-282]
The king’s glee; wrath of John Adams[282]
Gates was chiefly to blame[282]
Burgoyne’s difficulties beginning[283]
Schuyler wisely evacuates Fort Edward[284]
Enemies gathering in Burgoyne’s rear[285]
Use of Indian auxiliaries[285]
Burgoyne’s address to the chiefs[286]
Burke ridicules the address[286]
The story of Jane McCrea[287, 288]
The Indians desert Burgoyne[289]
Importance of Bennington; Burgoyne sends a German force against it[290]
Stark prepares to receive the Germans[291]
Battle of Bennington (August 16); nearly the whole German army captured on the field[292, 293]
Effect of the news; Burgoyne’s enemies multiply[294]
Advance of St. Leger upon Fort Stanwix[295]
Herkimer marches against him; Herkimer’s plan[296]
Failure of the plan[297]
Thayendanegea prepares an ambuscade[298]
Battle of Oriskany (August 6)[298-300]
Colonel Willett’s sortie; first hoisting of the stars and stripes[300-301]
Death of Herkimer[301]
Arnold arrives at Schuyler’s camp[302]
And volunteers to retrieve Fort Stanwix[303]
Yan Yost Cuyler and his stratagem[304]
Flight of St. Leger (August 22)[305]
Burgoyne’s dangerous situation[306]
Schuyler superseded by Gates[306]
Position of the two armies (August 19-September 12)[307]
[CHAPTER VII
SARATOGA]
Why Sir William Howe went to Chesapeake Bay[308]
Charles Lee in captivity[308-310]
Treason of Charles Lee[311-314]
Folly of moving upon Philadelphia as the “rebel capital”[314, 315]
Effect of Lee’s advice[315]
Washington’s masterly campaign in New Jersey (June, 1777)[316, 317]
Uncertainty as to Howe’s next movements[317, 318]
Howe’s letter to Burgoyne[318]
Comments of Washington and Greene[319, 320]
Howe’s alleged reason trumped up and worthless[320]
Burgoyne’s fate was practically decided when Howe arrived at Elkton[321]
Washington’s reasons for offering battle[321]
He chooses a very strong position[322]
Battle of the Brandywine (September 11)[322-326]
Washington’s skill in detaining the enemy[326]
The British enter Philadelphia (September 26)[326]
Significance of Forts Mercer and Mifflin[327]
The situation at Germantown[327, 328]
Washington’s audacious plan[328]
Battle of Germantown (October 4)[329-332]
Howe captures Forts Mercer and Mifflin[333]
Burgoyne recognizes the fatal error of Germain[333]
Nevertheless he crosses the Hudson River[334]
First battle at Freeman’s Farm (September 19)[335]
Quarrel between Gates and Arnold[336-337]
Burgoyne’s supplies cut off[338]
Second battle at Freeman’s Farm (October 7); the British totally defeated by Arnold[338-340]
The British army is surrounded[341]
Sir Henry Clinton comes up the river, but it is too late[342]
The silver bullet[343]
Burgoyne surrenders (October 17)[343, 344]
Schuyler’s magnanimity[345]
Bad faith of Congress[346-349]
The behaviour of Congress was simply inexcusable[350]
What became of the captured army[350, 351]

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

[CHAPTER I]
THE BEGINNINGS

During the seventy years which elapsed between the overthrow of the Stuart dynasty and the victory of Wolfe on the Heights of Abraham, the relations between the American colonies and the British government were, on the whole, peaceful; and the history of the colonies, except for the great and romantic struggle with New France, would have been almost destitute of striking incidents. In view of the perpetual menace from France, it was clearly unwise for the British government to irritate the colonies, or do anything to weaken their loyalty; and they were accordingly left very much to themselves. Still, they were not likely to be treated with any great liberality,—for such was not then, as it is hardly even yet, the way of governments,—and if their attachment to England still continued strong, it was in spite of the general demeanour of the mother-country. [The Lords of Trade]Since 1675 the general supervision of the colonies had been in the hands of a standing committee of the Privy Council, styled the “Lords of the Committee of Trade and Plantations,” and familiarly known as the “Lords of Trade.” To this board the governors sent frequent and full reports of the proceedings in the colonial legislatures, of the state of agriculture and trade, of the revenues of the colonies, and of the way in which the public money was spent. In private letters, too, the governors poured forth their complaints into the ears of the Lords of Trade, and these complaints were many and loud. Except in Pennsylvania and Maryland, which were like hereditary monarchies, and in Connecticut and Rhode Island, where the governors were elected by the people, the colonial governors were now invariably appointed by the Crown. In most cases they were inclined to take high views regarding the royal prerogative, and in nearly all cases they were unable to understand the political attitude of the colonists, who on the one hand gloried in their connection with England, and on the other hand, precisely because they were Englishmen, were unwilling to yield on any occasion whatsoever one jot or tittle of their ancient liberties. Moreover, through the ubiquity of the popular assemblies and the directness of their control over the administration of public affairs, the political life of America was both really and ostensibly freer than that of England was at that time; and the ancient liberties of Englishmen, if not better preserved, were at least more conspicuously asserted. As a natural consequence, the royal governors were continually trying to do things which the people would not let them do, they were in a chronic state of angry warfare with their assemblies, and they were incessant in their complaints to the Lords of Trade. They represented the Americans as a factious and turbulent people, with their heads turned by queer political crotchets, unwilling to obey the laws and eager to break off their connection with the British Empire. In this way they did much to arouse an unfriendly feeling toward the colonies, although eminent Englishmen were not wanting who understood American affairs too well to let their opinions be thus lightly influenced. Upon the Lords of Trade these misrepresentations wrought with so much effect that now and then they would send out instructions to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, or to abridge the freedom of the press. Sometimes their acts were absurdly arbitrary. In New Hampshire, the people maintained that as free-born Englishmen they had the right to choose their representatives; but the governor held, on the contrary, that this was no right, but only a privilege, which the Crown might withhold, or grant, or revoke, all at its own good pleasure. To uphold the royal prerogative, the governor was instructed to issue writs for elections to some of the towns, while withholding them from others; but the resistance of the people to this piece of tyranny was so determined that the Lords of Trade thought it best to yield. [The governor’s salary] In Massachusetts, for more than thirty years, there went on an unceasing controversy between the General Court and the successive royal governors, Shute, Burnet, and Belcher, with reference to the governor’s salary. The Lords of Trade insisted that the governor should be paid a fixed salary; but lest this should make the governor too independent, the General Court obstinately refused to establish a salary, but made grants to the governor from year to year, in imitation of the time-honoured usage of Parliament. This method was, no doubt, inconvenient for the governors; but the colonists rightly valued it as one of the safeguards of popular liberty, and to their persistent refusal the Crown was obliged to give way. Similar controversies, in New York and South Carolina, were attended with similar results; while in Virginia the assembly more than once refused to vote supplies, on the ground that the liberties of the colony were in danger.

SIR ROBERT WALPOLE

Such grievances as these, reported year by year to the Lords of Trade, and losing nothing in the manner in which they were told, went far to create in England an opinion that America was a lawless country, and sorely in need of a strong government. From time to time various schemes were proposed for limiting the powers of the colonial assemblies, for increasing the power of the governors, for introducing a titled nobility, for taxing the colonists by act of Parliament, or for weakening the feeling of local independence by uniting several colonies into one. Until after the French troubles had been disposed of, little came of any of these schemes. [Sir Robert Walpole] A plan for taxing the colonies was once proposed to Sir Robert Walpole, but the sagacious old statesman dismissed it with a laugh. “What!” said he. “I have half of Old England set against me already, and do you think I will have all New England likewise?” From time to time the liberal charters of Rhode Island and Connecticut were threatened, but nothing came of this. But in one direction the Lords of Trade were more active. One of their most cherished plans was to bring about a union of all the colonies under a single head; but this was not to be a union of the kind which the Americans, with consummate statesmanship, afterward wrought out for themselves. It was not to be a union based upon the idea of the sacredness of local self-government, but it was a union to be achieved, as far as possible, at the expense of local self-government. To bring all the colonies together under a single viceroy would, it was thought, diminish seriously the power of each local assembly, while at the same time such a union would no doubt make the military strength of the colonies much more available in case of war.