[780] With Maurasar (Mursil), who succeeded, ibid.

[781] Hittite-Mitanni treaty; Winckler, B. K. Tablets, p. 36.

[782] Ibid.

[783] When he appears under the name of Abu-Tessub, Winckler, op. cit., p. 38.

[784] Hittite-Mitanni treaty; Winckler, op. cit., p. 36.

[785] Such evidence as there is on this point (pp. [163], [199]) seems to link the monuments of the west, at Giaour-Kalesi and Kara-Bel, with the reign of Hattusil II., by analogy with the sculptures of Boghaz-Keui; but historically the opportunity for westward expansion was now open. Hattusil, like his Egyptian compeer, seems to have been mostly concerned with retaining what he had inherited.

[786] See pp. [159], [205].

[787] See [Pl. XLIV.], and pp. [138, 139]. Our date is based on the resemblance of the oblation vases (more clearly seen in Miss Bell’s photographs published by Hogarth in Liv. Annals of Arch., 1909) to those found in the hands of Hittite prisoners in Egypt, temp. Akhenaten; see De Garis Davies, El Amarna II. (London, 1905), pp. 41, 42, and Pl. XL. (bottom row). Such vases were common in Hittite Syria during the fifteenth century B.C. (cf. Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, fig. on p. 263), and the date of the sculptures is therefore liable to modification from various considerations, such as the range of time such types were in use, the probability of antique forms surviving in religious practices, and the possibility of special forms being sent as tribute to the Pharaoh.

[788] [P. 268.] But see Puchstein, Pseudo-hethitische Kunst, who assigns it to the ninth century B.C.

[789] [P. 151], [Pl. XLVII.]