[93] Homer, Hymn. Aphr. 111 and ff.
[94] Φρυγίης εὐτειχήτοιο. Cf. Ramsay, loc. cit.
[95] In this opinion we may appear to differ from Hogarth, Ionia and the East (Oxford, 1909), p. 70, but the standpoints are different.
[96] In addition to the Phrygian inscriptions at Eyuk, cited above, the story of Daskylos, the fugitive Lydian prince (B.C. 720), indicates close political relation between the two sides of the Halys at this time; for when fearful of remaining in Phrygia at the accession of Myrsos to the Lydian throne, for greater security he crossed the Halys and took refuge with the ‘White Syrians.’ Cf. Nicholas of Damascus, Fragm. Hist. Grec. (ed. Müller-Didot), No. 49. On the relationship with Pteria and the Chalybes see also Radet, La Lydie et le Monde Grec, pp. 63, 111.
[98] Cf. Pls. [LX.], [LXXVIII.]
[99] [Pl. XXIV. (ii)]; cf. pp. [121], [265], [289].
[100] Our newest authority for this period is Olmstead, Western Asia in the Days of Sargon (New York, 1908).
[101] If the Tuna of the Assyrians be really Tyana, there is clear evidence of Phrygian supremacy there in 714, in the fact that Matti of Tuna disclaimed his allegiance to Assyria and turned to Midas. If, however, Tuna is to be located somewhat further east (cf. the Tynna of Ptolemy V., 6, 22, and Maspero, The Passing of Empires, p. 239, note 2), or south-east at Faustinopolis (Ramsay, Hist. Geog., p. 68), then the inference is equally clear that the Phrygian sphere reached at least to Tyana, if not beyond. This evidence is supplementary to that of the inscription already mentioned ([Pl. XXV.]).
[102] Herodotus, iv. 11, 12. We follow the story as worked out by Maspero, op. cit., p. 345.